CHINESE IN MALAYSIA

CHINESE IN MALAYSIA

The second largest ethnic group, the Malaysian Chinese form about 25 percent of the population. Mostly descendants of Chinese immigrants during the 19th century, the Chinese are known for their diligence and keen business sense. The three sub-groups who speak a different dialect of the Chinese language are the Hokkien who live predominantly on the northern island of Penang; the Cantonese who live predominantly in the capital city Kuala Lumpur; and the Mandarin-speaking group who live predominantly in the southern state of Johor. In Sarawak this 25 percent is made up of a mix of dialect groups including Foochow, Hakka, Hokkien, Teochew, Hainanese and Puxian Min while in Sabah the population of Chinese drops to around 10 percent who predominantly speak the Hakka language. [Source: Malaysian Government Tourism]

Ethnic Chinese in Malaysia are mostly descendants of Chinese who arrived is various waves of immigration and established themselves in the cities. Like their counterparts in Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam, many are from the southern Chinese province of Fujian. Most Chinese and Indian Malaysians are descendants of 19th and early 20th century immigrants who came as traders, laborers and miners during British colonial rule. Many of the Chinese in Malaysia were brought in by the British in the 19th century to work the tin mines and rubber plantations as laborers.

In the past, Malaysia was divided into the Chinese haves and Malay have nots. Ethnic tension ran high. A Chinese living in Malaysia I talked with compared the situation in his country to apartheid. Assimilation has been particularly difficult for Chinese in Malaysia and Indonesia where Islamic practices discourage marriages involving Muslims and non-Muslims. For local people marrying a non-Muslim is also seen as rejection of Muslim-based nationalist pride.

Between the early 1990s and the early 2000s, ethnic Chinese dropped for 28 percent of the population to 26 percent. The primary reason for this was that Malays have a higher birthrate than the Chinese. To correct this situation a Chinese political party set up a “Cupid” matchmaking club that hosted mixers to bring single Chinese men and women together in hopes that they would get married and produce more children. In recent years, young Chinese adults have said they were more interested in advancing their careers than getting married. Participant in the Cupid Club events had to swear they were single and reveal their favorite political party and bloodtype and confess if they had drinking or gambling problems.

See History, New Economic Policy and 1969 Riots

Straits Chinese and Peranakan Chinese-Malay

Most of the first Chinese to arrive in Singapore, Penang and Malacca married local Malay women and this union gave rise to a community of “Straits Chinese.”Peranakan (Malay for born here) are Chinese who intermarried with Malays and adopted Malay styles of dress and cuisine .

Phuket Town in Thailand, along with the Straits Settlements of Penang, Malacca and Singapore, is home to a peculiar hybrid of Chinese commercial culture and tropical laissez-faire that dates back centuries. Dr. Jukka O. Miettinen of the Finnish Theatre Academy wrote: “From the 15th century Chinese traders began to settle in both Insular and Peninsular Southeast Asia. In the regions of the Malay Peninsula, Chinese communities started to emerge, especially along the west coast, in what was to become known during the British colonial period as the Straits Settlements: Penang, Malacca and Singapore. These “Straits Chinese” adapted to local conditions and developed a unique eclectic culture of their own.[Source: Dr. Jukka O. Miettinen,Asian Traditional Theater and Dance website, Theatre Academy Helsinki |~|]

The Peranakan Chinese-Malay culture flourished in southwest Malaysia from the 17th century to its peak at the turn of the 20th. The Peranakan culture, also known as Baba-Nyonya — men were called babas, women were nyonyas — incorporated Dutch, English, Portuguese and Indian influences. The Peranakan were aficionados of Victorian fashion in the 19th century.

Chinese Culture in Malaysia

The Chinese tend to live in urban areas. Unlike Muslim Malays, they eat pork and drink alcohol. About 95 percent send their children to Mandarin-language schools. Many say the “three pillars of the Chinese community” are: 1) the Chinese media (six in the peninsula and eight in East Malaysia); 2) Chinese schools (1,291 SRJKs and 60 independent schools) and the Chinese organisations or hua zong (7,000 registered clan, guild and business groups).

Malays in Malaysia have intermarried less with the Chinese than Thais in Thailand have. Babas and Noyas are the respective names and males and females born to Chinese-Malay unions. Old Baba and Nyonya families are descendants of Chinese traders that married into Malay families. The book The Straits Chinese by Malaysian sociologist Khoo Jo Ee is about the subculture of Babas and Noyas.

Baba Malay, a fusion of Hokkein and Malay, is spoken in Singapore and Malaysia. Hokkein, the Southern Min dialect of Fujian, is the primary dialect of many Overseas Chinese communities in Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Mandarin Chinese continues to be the primary language of instruction at Chinese primary schools and private secondary schools. A Chinese-language press has managed to endure in Malaysia.

The Chinese in Malaysia generally keep a low profile. They generally do not go to great lengths to display their Chineseness nor to make a great effort to express their Malaysian patriotism. Many Chinese have adopted English nicknames. In the early 2000s only 9 percent of Chinese students attended national school. Most went to private schools oriented for the Chinese community.

Chinese homes often have altars with Buddha statues. Chinese grave offerings—cardboard microwave ovens, televisions, air conditioners—are burned during holidays as offerings to the dead. There are even checks, credit cards and passports which can be used by the dead in the other world.

Chinese media includes six in the peninsula and eight in East Malaysia. Sin Chew Daily is the top-selling Chinese paper in the country. It not only makes money, but it is the most powerful voice in the stable of Chinese papers. Even Education Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein courts the paper because he needs Sin Chew's cooperation to air policies on Chinese schools. [Source: Joceline Tan, The Star, September 23, 2007]

Chinese and Business in Malaysia

The Chinese have traditionally dominated business in Malaysia and run shops and hotels. Many are descendants of laborers who worked hard and saved so that succeeding generations could prosper. Many are self employed. In the 1970s, Kuala Lumpur about 90 percent of all the shops, banks and factories are were owned by Chinese and Chinese businessmen still control a large share of the commercial enterprises. These days bumiputra (Malay) billionaires run much of the economy rather Chinese billionaires. Ethnic Chinese tycoons were hit hard by the Asian financial crisis. Many remain technically bankrupt.

Chinese are known as risk takers. Their thinking sometimes goes that opportunities are rare and they must be pursued aggressively when they occur. Whole families will sometimes invest great sums of money on the chances of one member to get ahead. And, there is often an emphasis on getting rich while you can. Chinese businesses have been criticized for going after quick profits rather than looking out of the long term interest of their companies.

When starting a business Americans often go to the bank for a loan, Chinese go to friends and relatives, maybe getting the equivalent of $1,000 from one person, $2,000 from another person and maybe twenty thousand from a close relative. “We trust each other, so no interest. He know I do the same for him one day."

Many Chinese business owners like to run their companies on instinct and with total central control. They shun excessive meetings, don’t field questions, don’t provide explanations and don’t tolerate a lot debate. With a firm, centered hierarchy many Chinese feel that workers spend more time talking than working. Those that have become hugely successful have often done so by controlling supply chains in their business.

John Howkins wrote in The Australian,” Marketing and PR are primitive. Reputations can rise and fall without much base in reality. Newspaper coverage favors those who have government connections or pay for it. On working in China, the film producer Ismail Merchant said. “People don’t like saying “yes” here. They think about things, and say you can’t do that when there a shooting schedule to keep.” Architects working in China voice similar complaints.

Family Style Chinese Businesses

In his book The Spirit of Chinese Capitalism, Gordon Redding wrote, "The Chinese family business...is peculiarly effective and a significant contributor to the list of causes of the East Asia miracle." Chinese-owned companies are often family run and have family members, other relatives or family friends in all the management positions. This contrasts with Western corporation which generally rely on professional managers. One Chinese businessman told the Washington Post, "We mostly hire people because he family knows them, or because they're introduced by a family member. That way you can find someone you can trust. Chinese find it not so easy to trust other people."

Many Chinese companies are run by old patriarchs backed up by Western-educated sons and daughters. The Chinese family system is much more effective in simple organizations like shipping, real estate and the production of low-market goods such as shoes and electronic but is not as effective in sophisticated organization that spend a lot on research and development and design high-tech products.

Confucian thought adapts itself very well to the hierarchical management style. One of the key components of a Chinese family-run business is trust. The Chinese have a reputation of distrusting people outside their clan or circle. The advantages of the Chinese family system of business are that it keeps management size down and allows quick decisions to be made without lengthy meetings, which in turn allows companies to move quickly into profitable markets. The disadvantages of the Chinese family system of business are that favoritism keeps talent out and family feuds can bitterly divide a company especially after a patriarch dies.

Modest Chinese businesses like noodle restaurants and small shops. are run by husband and wife teams, with children providing labor. Women often play an important role in organizing the finances. Explaining how such a business gets started one Asian businessman told Stanley Karnow in Smithsonian magazine: "Americans make big investment, hire manager, technicians.” Asians “cannot afford that, but wife and children all work hard. At first I keep old job while wife and friend take care of store; later I quit to run business full time. Until last year we are here seven days a week, sometimes until 2 in the morning. Now we are doing OK, so we take Sunday off."

There are critics of the Chinese family business model. One Chinese businessmen said that many Chinese businessmen suffer from “Chinese restaurant syndrome” in that “they are content with small-scale enterprises; they are happy to making a living. But Jewish people want to be the best and make a huge company.”

Chinese and Politics in Malaysia

Sean Yoong of Associated Press wrote: “Ethnic Chinese have grown increasingly vocal about alleged government discrimination in economic, social and religious policies. Malays enjoy a host of privileges in jobs, education and business as part of an affirmative action program launched in 1970 following racial riots fueled by Malay frustration over the Chinese community's wealth. Growing dissatisfaction about racial policies prompted many Chinese and Indians to vote against the government in March general elections. Many Malays also backed the opposition, causing the National Front to retain power with only a simple parliamentary majority. [Source: Sean Yoong, Associated Press, September 9, 2008]

In November 2005, the New York Times reported, there was big outcry in the Chinese community after “four Chinese women accused the police in Kuala Lumpur of forcing them to strip and perform a series of squatting exercises. The government in Kuala Lumpur is investigating the incident vigorously to calm an outcry both within China and among ethnic Chinese throughout the region. The government is particularly concerned with mollifying Prime Minister Wen Jiabao of China, who was scheduled to visit. At least as important an audience, though, are the 938 rural residents of Pengakalan Pasir,” Kelantan, where the ruling need votes to beat an Islamic party in a local election.[Source: Seth Mydans, New York Times, December 6, 2005]

See 2008, 2013 Elections

Anti-Chinese Remarks by Malaysian Politicians

In September 2008, a senior government official was punished for his racist outburst warning Malaysia's ethnic Chinese minority not to become greedy for political and economic power.Sean Yoong of Associated Press wrote: “Ahmad, a district chief in the United Malays National Organization ruling party, claimed that the Malay majority was losing patience with minorities, particularly ethnic Chinese politicians. "I urge the Chinese not to become like the Jewish in America, where it is not enough that they control the economy, but they also want to dominate politics," Ahmad told a news conference late Monday in northern Penang state. "Consider this a warning from the Malays," Ahmad said. "The patience of the Malays has a limit. Do not push us against the wall, for we will be forced to turn back and push the Chinese for our own survival." [Source: Sean Yoong, Associated Press, September 9, 2008]

Abe Foxman, head of the Anti-Defamation League, an American Jewish advocacy group, called the remarks an example of "classic anti-Semitism." But he added: "I'm delighted to hear that there is at least a rejection from the prime minister of this bigotry and anti-Semitism. ... The most important thing is the voice of the prime minister saying that this is bigotry, this is racism, this is unacceptable."

In a country where racial tensions are palpable but never discussed publicly, Ahmad dropped a bombshell last month by describing the Chinese as "squatters" and "immigrants." The 14 parties in the National Front represent Malaysia's main races -- the majority Malays and the minority Chinese, Indians and others. Ahmad belongs to the Abdullah's United Malays National Organization, the dominant party in the coalition.

Following the comments, the Chinese-based Gerakan party in the National Front severed ties with UMNO's Penang branch, raising fears that it would also do the same at the national level. Gerakan leader Koh Tsu Koon said his party would determine its next move after UMNO decides on the disciplinary action against Ahmad.

Chinese Muslims in Malaysia

There are about the 70,000 Chinese Muslims in Malaysia. Things are not always easy for them. According to Reuters: “There is the popular notion that becoming a Muslim means “masuk Melayu” (becoming a Malay), adopting the Malay culture at the expense of his or her Chinese identity. Chinese converts have to take on Arabic names, such as Abdullah, and change identity cards to reflect their new religion. [Source: Reuters, February 20, 2007 *+*]

“They also face deep-rooted prejudices, said Mohamad Asri Zainul Abidin, a young firebrand Muslim cleric who has came out in support of the Chinese mosque proposal despite the government’s reservations. “Malays assume they are the only pure Muslims, although Chinese Muslims may have stronger faith,” Asri, himself a Malay, said in a commentary published in the New Straits Times. *+*

“Some Chinese Muslims have also been rebuked by Malays for celebrating Chinese New Year. Ridhuan, married to a Malay, also had a painful experience. “They (the Malays) want us to become a Malay. Three or four years after conversion, my father passed away. They didn’t allow me to go back, they say if I go back, I will revert to become a Chinese but I defied them.” *+*

Controversy Over Chinese Muslim Mosque in Malaysia

In February 2007, a controversy broke out over a request Chinese Malaysians who have embraced Islam to build their own mosque. Reuters reported: The Malaysian government has spurned applications by Chinese Muslims to open their first mosques, officials said. The authorities argued that having separate mosques would segregate Muslims and could anger the majority Malays, who by definition are Muslims. Mohamad Ridhuan Tee Abdullah, a convert championing Chinese Muslims, said Malaysia must show that Islam transcends race and culture. “We have to change the perception that Islam only belongs to a particular race, for example the Malays and the Arabs,” the 42-year-old Islamic scholar told Reuters. “We have to show the universality of Islam by allowing Chinese mosques,” he said at the weekend. “The authorities have to do away with the stereotypes.” [Source: Reuters, February 20, 2007 *+*]

“The issue goes to the heart of what Islam means in Malaysia, and shows how race continues to shape life in Malaysia 50 years after independence, analysts said. “There is fear that the Malay identity will be lost if Islam is practiced in languages other than Malay,” Canadian Muslim, Moaz Yusuf Ahmad, wrote in the New Straits Times recently. *+*

“There is not a single mosque for Chinese Muslims, although Indian Muslims are allowed to have their own mosques. Ridhuan, a vice-president of the Malaysian Chinese Muslim Association, said his association was proposing to build mosques that would reflect Chinese design. “We would like to portray mosques that are based on Chinese architectures,” he said. “It’s to show that we are still Chinese but the mosques will be opened to all Muslims.” *+*

Diversity Among Chinese in Malaysia and the Three Pillars of the Chinese Community

Joceline Tan wrote in The Star, “People often talk about the Chinese as though they are a homogenous entity but they are not. According to Rita Sim, who is also deputy chairman of the MCA think-tank Insap and executive director of the Chinese vernacular newspaper Sin Chew Daily, anyone who wishes to understand the Chinese social and political sentiment has to first understand the Chinese who subscribe to the concept of the three pillars (G1) for the simple reason that they make up 85-90 percent of the 6.5 million Chinese in the country. The remaining 10-15 percent are, for want of a better term, referred to as the English-speaking group (Bangkok). [Source: Joceline Tan, The Star, September 23, 2007 <^>]

“The three pillars of the Chinese community” are: 1) the Chinese media (six in the peninsula and eight in East Malaysia); 2) Chinese schools (1,291 SRJKs and 60 independent schools) and the Chinese organisations or hua zong (7,000 registered clan, guild and business groups). The G2 encompasses those who are not Chinese-educated; they speak English and include a large number of Christians, the peranakan and also those who are part of the Lions and Rotary Clubs set. <^>

“Sim and Insap director Fui K. Soong have done quite a bit of research on the two groups. “People often talk about the Chinese as though they are one homogenous entity but they are not,” said Soong. The two groups are quite distinct although they overlap in some traits and issues. But what distinguishes the G1 from the G2 is that the latter does not subscribe to the three pillars concept even if some of them have begun sending their children to Chinese schools. <^>

“To the G1, Chinese education is part of their socio-cultural life and even their identity as a race. Chinese associations and Chinese media also form part of that identity. But the G2 who send their children to Chinese schools do so for largely pragmatic reasons. They think these schools offer a better standard of teaching and that it is useful to learn an additional language. The G2 are more likely to read English and Malay papers than Chinese papers and their social life and networking do not revolve around the traditional Chinese associations. The G1, said Sim, are distinguished by their relative sense of self-sufficiency. They do not depend on nor do they demand too much of the government. Many run their own businesses, mostly small and medium scale enterprises or SMEs.” <^>

Political Concerns of Chinese Groups in Malaysia

Joceline Tan wrote in The Star, “Political stability and a good economic environment to work and live in are very important to the G1 and they expect the powers-that-be to provide that climate for growth. “They want the government to be fair and not to interfere too much in their businesses. Basically, this group wants to be left alone. “They think they can take care of themselves as long as there aren't too many barriers or interference,” said Sim. That is why schemes like the Northern Corridor Economic Region and even the Iskandar Development Region, to some extent, do not excite the G1. They think the NCER, which is about logistic and infrastructure building, benefits the GLCs rather than SMEs like their own. [Source: Joceline Tan, The Star, September 23, 2007 <^>]

Sim aid: “Chinese want the government to be fair and not to interfere too much in their businesses The G1 also see many issues from their own narrow perspective. For instance, the crackdown on pig-farmers in Malacca was not just about the authorities regulating pig-farms but a threat to Chinese business interests. At the height of the pig farming issue in Malacca, Alor Star MP Datuk Chor Chee Heung could not walk into a coffeeshop in his Kedah constituency without being bombarded with comments.” <^>

“It was taking place down south but Chinese businessmen in Kedah were riled up as though it was happening at their doorstep. “One day, I walked into the coffeeshop and I thought ‘die, man, I'm going to get it’. They saw it as a move against the community,” said Chor. The downside about people in this group is that they tend to live in their own ethnic bubble – they attend Chinese schools, read Chinese papers and, as Soong noted, some of them probably know more about what is happening with political personalities in Taiwan than, say, UMNO or PAS.”<^>

“The G1 have their own grouses but their concerns are somewhat more diverse. “At least 30 percent of them are hardcore opposition supporters at anytime. This group, even if you sent them to heaven and back, will still vote for the opposition, especially the DAP,” said Soong. Within the G1, there are also about 25 percent hardcore MCA supporters who will sink or swim with the party. Of the remainder, 10 percent are deemed indifferent to politics and elections, leaving about 35 percent who are known as the swing voters. They are the ones whom political parties woo like crazy during elections because their votes can determine the result. The swing voters are also very issue-oriented and would react to things like controversial statements from UMNO leaders. <^>

“The G1 are generally uncompromising when it comes to Chinese education. The MCA and Gerakan took a beating at the polls during the 1980s because this group felt the government was unfair to Chinese schools. Many of them now feel that their struggle for Chinese education has been vindicated with the rise of China as a global powerhouse. <^>

“Economic opportunities are another top concern while recent years have seen a rise in concern about crime and public security. This group's fear about the Islamic State has less to do with its potential impact on their respective religions than on how syariah law will affect their economic interests.

“But the issue of fairness underlies the concerns of both groups. As Chor put it: “Whether it's education, business or local services, the Chinese just want fair treatment.” If there is anything homogeneous at all about the Chinese, it is about fairness for everyone.” <^>

Chinese Bananas and Their Political Views

Joceline Tan wrote in The Star, “The Chinese-educated have long labelled the English-speaking group as “bananas,” meaning they are yellow outside (Chinese), but white inside (pro-Western culture). Or, as the Hokkiens would put it a little more explicitly, the G2 folk “chiak ang moh sai” (have eaten too much Western s**t). [Source: Joceline Tan, The Star, September 23, 2007 <^>]

“There's no denying that the G2 are more open to Western ideas and ideals. “Their ideas of governance, democracy, role of the media and even elections are influenced by the West, namely Britain and the United States. They like to say these are universal ideals even though half the world does not subscribe to the way the Americans and British think,” said Soong. <^>

“Soong said the G2 are issue-oriented. They are influenced by issues and their votes swing from one election to another. They are mostly middle-class, articulate and prone to take issues to the press and in recent years into the Internet. Incidentally, Gerakan's base lies mainly with this group. The Chinese, it is often said, are quite inscrutable about their politics but not this group. They are not afraid to air their political views or who they will vote for. “They are so articulate about their grievances that people think, ‘oh dear, the entire Chinese community is upset’.But actually, their views reflect mainly those in this English-speaking group,” said Soong. <^>

“The G2 have been the most critical of the ruling party in recent years. The Christians in the G2 are particularly concerned about the issue of Islamic state. According to Soong, the survival of the common law and the secular state is very important to this group because it guarantees their modern lifestyle and for the Christians, the freedom to practise their faith. “Their fears about the Islamic State is very real and emotional because they see it as a threat to Christianity. The fear comes from deep in the gut,” she said.

Image Sources:

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress, Malaysia Tourism Promotion Board, Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various books, websites and other publications.

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© 2008 Jeffrey Hays

Last updated June 2015

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