ELECTIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES: ELECTORAL SYSTEM, IRREGULARITIES, CAMPAIGNS

ELECTIONS IN THE PHILIPPINES

vote-rich provinces of the Philippines

General elections are held every three years. Presidential elections are held every six years. The last one was in 2022. The next one is in 2028. Most elected officials served three-year terms, while the president, vice president and senators served six-year terms. Senate and local elections are held in the years of presidential elections and three years before and after them.

Congress in the Philippines has two chambers. The House of Representatives has 318 members as of 2025. About 80 percent are elected from single-member districts, where voters choose one representative for their area. The remaining 20 percent are chosen through a party-list system. Party-list seats are reserved for marginalized and underrepresented groups, including sectoral organizations, local parties, and groups representing workers, farmers, women, youth, and other sectors. Each party-list group can win up to a maximum of three seats.[Source: Wikipedia]

Voter participation is typically around 70 percent to 85 percent. There were about 67 million registered voters in the the Philippines at that time of the 2022 election out of total population of about 109 million people. There were 43 million eligible voters in 2004; 36.1 million in 2001; and 34 million in 1998. Overseas Filipinos were allowed to vote in presidential elections for the first time in 2004. Voting rates are high in national elections despite obstacles such as difficult transportation, the need to write out the names of all candidates in longhand, and, occasionally, the threat of violence. Filipinos enjoy and expect elections so much that even Ferdinand Marcos dared not completely deny them this outlet. Instead, he changed the rules to rig the elections in his favor.

Vote-counting begins immediately after polls closed, and unofficial tallies often indicate likely winners within hours. The Commission on Elections aims to proclaim most victors by the end of May, two or three weeks after the elections take place, after which the legislature formally confirms the results. The president-elect then has four or five weeks before inauguration to assemble a transition team, outline policy priorities and identify potential cabinet members. In the past often weeks passed before the official election results were official. Counting took so long because much of it was done by hand. It took five weeks before Ramos was declared the winner of the presidential election in 1992. It took six weeks before Arroyo was declared the winner in 2004. It is quicker now, unless the election is close. [Source: Martin Petty, Reuters, May 5, 2022]

Characteristics of Philippines Elections

Ballot being inserted in a vote counting machine (VCM) in 2022

Philippine elections are characterized by lots of candidates and lots of positions. There were 17,000 electoral positions in the 1998 election. More than 800,000 candidates vied for chairmanships and other posts in urban and rural villages, locally called barangays— the Philippines’ smallest political units—in 2013. Voters are required to write the name of their preferred candidates. They can write their first names, last names or their nicknames. This one reason why candidates promote short nicknames like "Cory" Aquino or "Erap" Estrada.

Elections in the Philippines are often influenced by patronage — support given by wealthy or influential individuals — and the personalities of the candidates. It is not unusual for candidates to discuss their platforms at campaign rallies, since many attendees are more interested in the entertainers accompanying the candidates than in the candidates themselves. [Source: Maria Cecilia T. Ubarra, Worldmark Encyclopedia of National Economies, Gale Group Inc., 2002.

While vote-buying, political violence and occasional malfunctions in electronic voting machines had posed challenges, large-scale fraud capable of undermining overall credibility was considered unlikely. The Asian Network for Free Elections reported that recent Philippine elections were generally free and fair. During the 2010 election around 50 million voters chose a president and 18,000 national and local officials. There were 215,000 voting precincts in 2004, compared to 175,000 in 1998. Most are run by public school teachers Elections are run by the Commissions of Elections (Comelec) and monitored by the watchdog group National Citizens Movement for Free Elections (Namfrel).

In 2010, fears of widespread disorder due to the introduction of new automated voting machines did not come to pass. Although the machines caused significant delays in some areas, voters stood patiently for hours in the heat to cast their ballots. According to Associated Press, election officials declared the polls a success despite technical glitches with the computerized counting machines and election-related violence that left at least nine people dead. In a country where past elections had been tainted by allegations of fraud, millions of Filipinos turned out, hoping for a fresh start after a decade marked by corruption. [Source: Associated Press, May 10, 2010]

One notable incident occurred when Benigno Aquino III, who was elected President in the electio, was temporarily unable to vote after the counting machine malfunctioned in his precinct. In response to widespread delays, the Commission on Elections extended voting hours by one hour. For the first time, optical scanning machines were used to count ballots in approximately 76,000 precincts nationwide. Although a software glitch discovered a week before election day nearly disrupted the process, it was resolved at the last minute. Still, several machines malfunctioned in the country’s tropical humidity, including in Aquino’s hometown of Tarlac, north of Manila. Aquino expressed hope that despite the longer ballots and new system, voters would be able to cast their votes without excessive delays or long lines.

Aquino ultimately waited nearly five hours to cast his ballot. Election Commissioner Gregorio Larrazabal said around 465 of the 76,000 machines experienced problems, though most were quickly replaced. The new computerized system was expected to deliver final results within days, a marked improvement over previous elections when manual counts took weeks. Commission on Elections Chairman Jose Melo praised the strong voter turnout and the performance of the machines, saying the process had exceeded expectations and describing the election as successful.

Voting in the Philippines

Voting lines in Mabalacat during the 2013 elections

Any Filipino citizen who is at least 18 years old on election day, has lived in the Philippines for at least one year, and has resided in the place where they are registered for at least six months may vote, unless disqualified by law. Citizens must register with the Commission on Elections before the election. Those who fail to register cannot vote. On election day, registered voters finds their name on the voters’ list, goes to the correct precinct, and receives a ballot. [Source: Wikipedia]

Voters often typically have to endure long lines, rain and heat. Once inside the polling station they look for their name and number on registration lists, Most voters cast their ballots on election day. Voters select one candidate for each position — from president, vice president and senators down to local district councilors. Polling stations were open from 6:00am. to 7:00pm, an hour longer than the previous election because the 2022 poll was held during the Covid-19 pandemic. [Source: Martin Petty, Reuters, May 5, 2022]

In the past, voters wrote the names of their chosen candidates on the ballot, and election officers counted the votes by hand after polls closed. Often voters had to write by hand the names of the 20 or so candidates they were voting for in different offices. Voting forms were sometime called the world's longest and people routinely waited 45 minutes in line for their turn. Voters have traditionally been stamped with indelible ink to keep them from voting twice. Results were recorded in official documents and sent to city, municipal, or provincial boards of canvassers, which totaled the votes and forwarded them to the national level. The national board then officially declared the winners for national positions.

Since 2008, the Philippines has used automated elections. Instead of writing names, voters shade an oval beside their chosen candidate’s name. The ballot is fed into a vote counting machine, which automatically records the vote. The machine prints the results and sends them electronically to the local board of canvassers, making counting faster and reducing errors. In 2016, the country used about 92,500 vote counting machines, making it one of the largest automated election systems in the world. Unlike countries such as Brazil and India, which use direct electronic voting, the Philippines still uses paper ballots that are scanned and counted by machines. To increase transparency, election authorities have allowed independent reviews of the system’s source code.

For the 2025 midterm elections, the Commission on Elections signed a contract for a new automated election system that includes around 110,000 counting machines, ballot printing, and canvassing systems. The contract also covers ballot boxes and other equipment needed to run the elections, continuing the country’s reliance on automated vote counting technology.

There are two types of absentee voters. Local absentee voters include soldiers, police officers, government workers, media personnel, and others who are on duty during election day. Overseas absentee voters are Filipinos living abroad. They may vote only for national positions such as president, vice president, senators, and party-list representatives. Overseas voting takes place at Philippine embassies and consulates and can begin up to four months before election day. The overseas vote is important. Millions of Filipinos live or work abroad, sending home billions of dollars annually that supported families and the national economy. Around 1.7 million registered overseas voters — along with many dual nationals — played a potentially influential role, often shaping the political views of relatives and communities both overseas and at home.

Electoral System in the Philippines

Commission on Elections Malolos City in 2024

The Philippines has universal direct suffrage to elect the president, vice president (who runs independently), and most of the seats in the bicameral legislature, consisting of the House of Representatives and the Senate; a minority of House members known as sectoral representatives are appointed by the president. Elections are held not just for national leadership but also for representation at the provincial and local levels. In the last elections in May 2004, some 74 percent of eligible voters participated, but the process was marred by violence and numerous irregularities, which the political opposition continues to protest, even calling for the president’s impeachment. [Source: Library of Congress *]

Elections in the Philippines are the arena in which the country's elite families compete for political power. The wealthiest clans contest national and provincial offices. Families of lesser wealth compete for municipal offices. In the barangays, where most people are equally poor, election confers social prestige but no real power or money. *

The constitution also empowers the commission to "accredit citizens' arms of the Commission on Elections." This refers to the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), a private group established in the 1950s, with advice and assistance from the United States, to keep elections honest. NAMFREL recruited public-spirited citizens (320,000 volunteers in 104,000 precincts in the 1987 congressional elections) to watch the voting and monitor ballot-counting, and it prepared a "quick count," based mostly on urban returns, to publicize the results immediately. Because the Commission on Elections can take weeks or even months to certify official returns, the National Movement for Free Elections makes it harder for unscrupulous politicians to distort the results. NAMFREL itself has sometimes been denounced by election losers as being a tool of United States intervention and has not always been impartial. In 1986 it favored Aquino, and its chairman, Jose Concepcion, was subsequently named Aquino's minister of trade and industry. *

The 1987 constitution establishes a new system of elections. The terms of representatives are reduced from four years to three, and the presidential term is lengthened from four years to six. Senators also serve a six-year term. The Constitution's transitory provisions are scheduled to expire in 1992, after which there is to be a three-year election cycle. Suffrage is universal at age eighteen. The constitution established a Commission on Elections that is empowered to supervise every aspect of campaigns and elections. It is composed of a chairperson and six commissioners, who cannot have been candidates for any position in the immediately preceding elections. A majority of the commissioners must be lawyers, and all must be college-educated. They are appointed by the president with the consent of the Commission on Appointments and serve a single seven-year term. The Commission on Elections enforces and administers all election laws and regulations and has original jurisdiction over all legal disputes arising from disputed results. To counter the unwholesome influence occasionally exercised by soldiers and other armed groups, the commission may depute law enforcement agencies, including the Armed Forces of the Philippines. In dire situations, the commission can take entire municipalities and provinces under its control, or order new elections. *

The final decision on all legislative elections rests with the electoral tribunals of the Senate and House of Representatives. Each electoral tribunal is composed of nine members, three of whom are members of the Supreme Court designated by the chief justice. The remaining six are members of the Senate or the House, chosen on the basis of proportional representation from parties in the chamber. *

2013 Mid-Terms and 2022 Presidential Election in the Philippines

In 2013, Associated Press reported: “More than 52 million Filipinos have registered to elect 18,000 officials, including half of the 24-member Senate, nearly 300 members of the House of Representatives and leaders of a Muslim autonomous region in the south, where Islamic insurgents, al-Qaida-linked gunmen and private armies have long been a concern. The logistical nightmare has been compounded by worries that some of about 80,000 automated counting machines, which are being used for only the second time since the 2010 presidential election, may fail in regions grappling with power outages. About 1,000 portable generators have been transported to problematic areas. [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, May 13, 2013 |=|]

“The official election watchdog, Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting, said it has received reports of some breakdowns, including in metropolitan Manila. The supplier said it had expected 200-300 units to malfunction but it had 2,000 replacements on standby. Elections Commission Chairman Sixto Brillantes said the problems were minor and the polling generally smooth. The outcome will determine the level of support for President Benigno Aquino III's reforms in his remaining three years in office. Aquino has been praised at home and abroad for cracking down on widespread corruption, backing key legislation and concluding an initial peace agreement with Muslim rebels. |=|

“At least 46 people have been killed in the run-up to the elections since January, police said. Assailants fired a grenade at a school where the voting was under way in southern Marawi city, but missed and hit a house, wounding three people. Armed followers of a mayoral candidate clashed with marines in nearby Sulu province, where troops replaced local police.

The 2022 Philippine presidential election was held on May 9 as part of the 2022 general elections. It was the country’s 17th direct presidential vote since 1935.The election took place during the COVID-19 pandemic, with major campaign issues including economic recovery from recession, the continuation of Duterte’s policies, foreign relations and territorial tensions with China, rising debt and inflation, and climate change. [Source: Wikipedia]

In addition to the presidency, more than 18,000 government positions were contested, including half of the 24 Senate seats, over 300 seats in the House of Representatives, and numerous provincial and local posts across the nation of more than 109 million people. About 67 million voters registered to participate in 13 hours of voting — extended by an hour compared with the 2019 midterms to accommodate COVID-19 precautions. Security was tightened nationwide, with thousands of police and military personnel deployed due to threats from communist and Muslim insurgents and a history of violent political rivalries.[Source: Associated Press, May 8, 2022]

History of Elections in the Philippines

Until 1972 Philippine elections were comparable to those in United States cities during early industrialization: flawed, perhaps, by instances of vote-buying, ballot-box stuffing, or miscounts, but generally transmitting the will of the people. A certain amount of election-related violence was considered normal. Marcos overturned this system with innovations such as asking voters to indicate by a show of hands if they wanted him to remain in office. In the snap election of 1986, Marcos supporters tried every trick they knew but lost anyway. The heroism of the democratic forces at that time inspired many Filipinos. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The commission to "accredit citizens' arms of the Commission on Elections” is known as the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL). A private NAMFREL was instrumental in the election of President Ramon Magsaysay in 1953, and played a minor role in subsequent presidential elections. It lapsed into inactivity during the martial law years, then played an important role in Aquino's 1986 victory. [Source: Library of Congress *]

The first congressional elections under the 1987 constitution were held on May 11, 1987. Political parties had not really coalesced. Seventy-nine separate parties registered with the Commission on Elections, and voters had a wide range of candidates to choose from: 84 candidates ran for 24 Senate seats, and 1,899 candidates ran for 200 House seats. The elections were considered relatively clean, even though the secretary of local government ordered all governors and mayors to campaign for Aquino-endorsed candidates. There were sixty-three electionrelated killings. Some of these deaths were attributable to small-town family vendettas, whereas others may have had ideological motives. The armed forces charged that communists used strong-arm tactics in areas they controlled, and the communists in turn claimed that nineteen of their election workers had been murdered. Election results showed a virtual clean sweep for candidates endorsed by Aquino. *

The next step in redemocratization was to hold local elections for the first time since 1980. When Aquino took office, she dismissed all previously elected officials and replaced them with people she believed to be loyal to her. Local elections were originally scheduled for August 1987, but because many May 1987 congressional results were disputed and defeated candidates wanted a chance to run for local positions, the Commission on Elections postponed local elections first to November 1987 and then to January 18, 1988. More than 150,000 candidates ran for 16,000 positions as governor, vice governor, provincial board member, mayor, vice mayor, and town council member, nationwide. *

The final step in redemocratization was the thrice-postponed March 1989 election for barangay officials. Some 42,000 barangay captains were elected. At this level of neighborhood politics, no real money or power was involved, the stakes were small, and election violence was rare. The Commission on Elections prohibited political parties from becoming involved. *

Election Campaigns in the Philippines

Campaigns in the Philippines have been called charades and compared to con games. They are generally long on impossible-to-fullfilll promises and entertainment and short on policy statements, positions on issues and substantive debate. There are rules that limit campaign spending, advertising and television air time but these rules are often broken. The campaign period for presidential and legislative elections is theoretically about 60 days but is often much longer than that in reality. Political rallies are entertainment extravaganzas. Candidates uses comic books to radio jingles to reach the voters. In a typical campaign rally the crowd wears caps with the names of the candidates they support and chant their names. It is not unusual for many of the members of the crowd to be paid to show up. In some cases candidates have been accused of using taxpayer money for their campaigns.

Before elections in May 2010, Blaine Harden wrote in the Washington Post: “Elections in the Philippines are personality-driven, a kind of national soap opera in which distinctions between infamy and celebrity tend to blur over time. In the chaotic run-up to national elections on May 10, about 85,000 candidates are clamoring after 17,000 positions, from town council member to president. Political violence has claimed at least 80 lives, including 57 in one incident. And families that have long called the shots in the Philippines are angling for advantage. [Source: Blaine Harden, Washington Post, April 22, 2010]

Describing the scene six months before presidential in 2004, Ellen Nakashima wrote in the Washington Post, “In just one week in the Philippine capital, a former air transportation official was shot dead in a control tower at the international airport, lawmakers clashed over whether to impeach the nation's top judge and police dispersed thousands of protesters with tear gas and water cannons. And that, many Filipinos fear, was just another typical week as the May 2004 presidential election season opens and opposition forces sense that President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo is vulnerable. [Source: Ellen Nakashima, Washington Post, November 23, 2003]

“More than 7,000 protesters were brought in from the slums to Manila's financial district on Nov. 12, organized and in some cases paid by anti-administration activists. They carried signs urging the ouster of Arroyo and the Supreme Court justice who swore her in three years ago. Anti-government sentiment rising in wake of President Arroyo’s u-turn announcement to run in 2004 elections. Fernando Poe, film actor and close friend of deposed President Joseph Estrada, also announced intention to run. Government declared military “red alert” 3 November to preempt instability from opposition-led impeachment bid against chief justice; military vowed to stay neutral.Three-hour siege by two armed men (including former aviation official with links to July mutineers) at Manila airport 8 November protesting corruption resulted in deaths of both. Thousands took to streets 11 and 14 November calling for president to step down. Formal peace negotiations with MILF expected to resume soon after Malaysia agrees to send team of 25 observers to Mindanao. Despite July ceasefire, government forces clashed with MILF rebels 11 November, killing 13, including two rebels and two police. [Ibid]

Celebrity, Gimmicks and Entertainment in Philippines Campaigns

Chad de Guzman wrote in Time: Some 130,000 people flooded a street in the central business district of Pasig, a city just outside the Philippine capital Manila, in March 2022 to sing Ariana Grande’s “Break Free” in support of Presidential candidate Leni Robredo. (Grande was so moved by the flashmob, she shared a clip on her Instagram.) Robredo was looking for a bump; public opinion polls have her trailing frontrunner Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. by 32 points in the May 9 presidential election. In an effort to turn the tide, she organized a daylong concert—with Filipino pop bands like The Itchyworms, and actors as headliners. [Source: Chad de Guzman, Time, April 21, 2022]

Since the 1986 People Power Movement that ousted dictator Ferdinand Marcos—Bongbong’s father—elections in the Philippines have been heavy on the entertainment factor. But beginning in the last election in 2016, the cross-over between showbiz and politics has reached a new level, says Anna Pertierra, an anthropologist at the University of Technology Sydney, who has previously studied media culture in the Philippines.

On midterm polls in 2013, Associated Press reported: From Imelda Marcos to Manny Pacquiao, familiar names of Philippine political clans and celebrities dominated the ballots for congressional and local elections, “Among 33 senatorial candidates are two of Aquino's relatives, Binay's neophyte daughter, Estrada's son, a son of the sitting chamber president, a son of a late president, a spouse and children of former senators and there's a possibility that two pairs of siblings will be sitting in the me house. Currently, 15 senators have relatives serving in elective positions. The race for the House is even more of a family affair. Toppled dictator Ferdinand Marcos' widow, the flamboyant 83-year-old Imelda, is expected to keep her seat as a representative for Ilocos Norte province, the husband's birthplace where the locals kept electing the Marcoses despite allegations of corruption and abuse during their long rule. Marcos' daughter, Imee is seeking re-election as governor and the son, Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., is already a senator. Boxing star and incumbent Rep. Manny Pacquiao is running unopposed and building a dynasty of his own: his brother Rogelio is running to represent his southern district and his wife Jinkee is vying to become vice-governor for Sarangani province. [Source: Hrvoje Hranjski, Associated Press, May 13, 2013|]

In the early 2000s it became fashionable for politicians to appear in advertisements and commercials, peddling everything from milk to detergents, to make money and get their names and faces recognized. Politicians have appeared on television, radio, billboards and posters. One presidential candidate plugged a Philippine-made brandy. President Arroyo appeared in ads endorsing low-price medicines, cheap rice and a commuter train service. Government -owned mobile stores that sold rice and other basic foodstuffs were called Gloria’s Stores.

7-Eleven tapped into election fever in 2016 in Cebu City during a wave by offering Big Gulps in “beat the heat” cups with the faces of the five presidential candidates on them. The cups doubled as informal popularity polls, ranked by demand, with Rodrigo Duterte leading sales, followed surprisingly by a grey cup for “the silent majority” of undecided voters. A 22-year-old student, Chrystabelle Lopez, carried a baby-blue Grace Poe cup and remarked, “It's cool to be seen with this cup… I wouldn't carry around any of the other cups.” The commercialization extended beyond drinks: a local bakery sold bread wrapped in packaging featuring candidates’ faces, with a baker noting, “We've sold out of Duterte and Mar Roxas bread for the day… It's just plain bread… But it's all about the packaging.” Locals described the contest as a two-horse race between Duterte and Mar Roxas, especially valued for their ability to speak Cebu dialects, as voters snapped up products linked to their preferred candidate. [Source: Heather Chen, BBC, May 4, 2016]

Campaigning and Candidates in the 2010 Philippines Election

Campaigning for the May 10, 2010 elections in the Philippines officially began in February, launching what observers described as a characteristically colorful and personality-driven contest. The Agence France-Presse (AFP) noted that the race featured “the world's best boxer and the defiant wife of a dead dictator among the dizzying array of characters hoping to grab a share of power.” About 50 million voters were set to choose a new president along with thousands of other officials. Yet analysts expressed skepticism that meaningful reform would result. “I don't think there will be any change in the idiosyncracies that define the Philippines,” Robert Broadfoot of Political and Economic Risk Consultancy told AFP. [Source: AFP, February 9, 2010, Vaudine England, BBC News, February 9, 2010]

Among the most closely watched presidential contenders was Benigno Aquino III, who surged in popularity following the death of his mother, former president Corazon Aquino. His early commanding lead in opinion polls narrowed as billionaire property developer Manny Villar gained ground after an intensive advertising campaign that brought him close to 40 percent support in surveys. The ruling coalition’s candidate, former defense minister Gilberto Teodoro, trailed in fourth place with minimal backing.

The race was further complicated by the attempted political comeback of former president Joseph Estrada, who had been ousted in 2001 and later convicted of corruption. Running third in surveys, Estrada sought redemption despite the controversy surrounding his removal from office. “It's going to be difficult for him, but he has 100 percent name recognition across the country — it depends on how diligently he runs his campaign,” said Ronald Holmes of De La Salle University. Analysts described the contest as exceptionally competitive. “It's going to be a very tight race,” political writer Marites Vitug told the BBC, noting that Villar’s wealth and disciplined campaign made him a formidable contender.

Beyond the presidential race, other high-profile figures sought congressional seats. Boxing icon Manny Pacquiao, a seven-time world champion, again pursued a seat in the House of Representatives after a failed 2007 attempt. Meanwhile, Imelda Marcos, widow of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos, ran in Ilocos Norte, a family stronghold. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, barred by the constitution from seeking another presidential term, registered to run for a congressional seat in Pampanga, prompting critics to speculate she might use a parliamentary position to pursue constitutional change and potentially return to power.

Reporting for the BBC, Vaudine England observed that Philippine campaigns traditionally emphasize “showmanship, drama, personality clashes and genuine idealism,” but rarely substantive debate over policy. For months before the official campaign period, wealthy candidates had already saturated the airwaves with advertising. Although spending limits existed, the Commission on Elections had never successfully prosecuted anyone for overspending, largely due to limited enforcement capacity. Core issues remained familiar: economic growth, poverty, corruption, and high commodity prices, with little confidence that entrenched elites would bring significant change.

The campaign unfolded against a backdrop of persistent political violence. The November 2009 massacre of 57 people in Maguindanao cast a grim shadow over the electoral season, underscoring the dangers that often accompany Philippine politics. As the country prepared for its first presidential election in six years, analysts concluded that while the Philippines prided itself on democratic traditions, it continued to struggle to produce leadership capable of delivering lasting peace, stability, and broad-based prosperity.

Election Irregularities, Vote-Buying and Problems with Philippine Electoral System

Philippine elections are often marred by violence, fraud and irregularities. Polling stations run out of ballots; ballot boxes go missing; names of legitimate voters aren’t not on voting lists; dead people remain on lists that have not been updated; stations run out of ink that keeps voters from voting twice. There has also been allegations that computers have been manipulated to change results.

"Politicians routinely" employ "election techniques that would embarrass a Chicago ward heeler," William Branigin wrote in the Washington Post. " Vote buying and dirty tricks are run-of-the-mill. Political groups here have resorted to such methods as moving polling stations at the last minute, kidnapping opposition voters, switching ballot boxes and tally sheets, voting not only involving the dead but entire ghost precincts and, when all else fails, blowing away rival candidates or local organizers."

Vote buying is common. "Election in the Philippines function something like a national welfare system," Mimi Swartz wrote in New Yorker, "In a country where the minimum wage is five dollars a day, an undecided vote is one who has not yet received gifts of food and cash from a candidate." The Marcos's spent an estimated $1 billion to win one election and that was when they were in power.

Martin Soong of CNBC wrote: Vote-buying has “become systematic and institutionalized, so much so that politicians no longer have to even do it themselves directly. They simply stump up the money, pass it to ''coordinators'' in barangays (the smallest administrative district or ward), who're supposed to share out the splits with families. The irony is that the people whose votes are bought don't get all of the money. The coordinators often end up skimming a cut, often a big one. So goes money politics. Not so much one man, one vote — more, one family's vote. I've been told the going rate's about $100. If a quarter of the population wasn't in poverty, the political math would be very different. [Source: Martin Soong, CNBC, May 8, 2016]

In the The New York Times, Carlos H. Conde described Philippine elections as frequently marred by what critics call “guns, gold and goons.” He noted that vote-buying is widely alleged, ballot padding and shaving are common accusations, and defeated candidates often claim fraud. In many areas, voters reportedly expect cash or favors in exchange for support. Manual vote counting and the appointment of vote counters by politicians who are themselves candidates have long raised concerns about manipulation. [Source: Carlos H. Conde, New York Times, July 1, 2005 =]

The country’s electoral system is overseen by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), once regarded as credible before being politicized under Ferdinand Marcos. After Marcos was ousted in 1986, Corazon Aquino sought to rebuild democratic institutions and appointed respected figures to lead them. Among them was Christian Monsod, who became COMELEC chairman in 1992 and worked to modernize election procedures. Monsod later argued that subsequent administrations weakened the commission by appointing politically connected commissioners instead of independent ones. He warned of a “creeping rot” in the system, saying the commission had “zero credibility” and had become “part of the problem.” Although reforms were introduced in the 1990s, including efforts to modernize vote counting, progress stalled for years, and fraud allegations persisted.

Complaints of cheating have surfaced in nearly every election since Marcos. Local officials have cited implausibly high voter turnout, inflated voter lists, and conflicts of interest in the appointment of teachers who oversee counting. Elections have also been accompanied by violence, with police and military forces placed under COMELEC control during voting. In past contests, security forces were accused of seizing ballot boxes or blocking voters, reinforcing long-standing doubts about the integrity of the electoral process.

Need to Reform the Philippine Elections

In 2005, after Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, went on national television to apologize for election-related improprieties, Carlos H. Conde wrote in the New York Times, “Election experts say that Filipinos must have honest elections before they have even a chance of becoming prosperous and politically stable. Electoral reforms are crucial in a country whose politics are still dominated by decades-old political dynasties. “The current political crisis is the result of our faulty and corrupt electoral system," said José Concepción, chairman of the National Movement for Free Elections, an election monitoring group. "Either we reform this system or this is not going to be the last of these crises. It's now or never." [Source: Carlos H. Conde, New York Times, July 1, 2005 =]

If shady election “practices are eliminated, according to the experts, the Philippines may finally see an end to the political upheavals that roil it with worrisome frequency - upheavals that are often caused by the questionable mandates that election fraud often creates. Only then, they say, can the country attain political maturity and the full flowering of its democracy. “The current political crisis is the result of our faulty and corrupt electoral system," said José Concepción, chairman of the National Movement for Free Elections, an election monitoring group. "Either we reform this system or this is not going to be the last of these crises. It's now or never." "The electoral process is at the very center of this crisis," said Ronald Meinardus, country representative for the Friedrich Naumann Foundation of Germany, which has been funding programs here for election reforms. "Had it not been for the flawed electoral process, this wouldn't have happened." =

“Alipa says his experience is all too common in many parts of the country. "We should really change our electoral process," he said. But change can only happen if Filipino leaders have the political will to do it, according to Meinardus of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation. "The political class is happy with the status quo because they could have their privileges, no matter that it does not allow for true democracy, that it only allows for manipulation of the process," he said. "Looking around, I don't see anybody among them calling for electoral reforms." =

In Isabela Province, the Catholic church deployed 3,000 parishioners to help guard ballot boxes after a powerful local family unplugged a radio station and took other actions when it appeared there was a good chance they might lose the governorship.

In the mid 2000s there was a trend to contest elections in the courts. One the eve of the 2004 election more than half a dozen disqualification cases were heard in the courts. They involved allegations of excessive campaign spending, breaking limits on political advertising, vote-buying and illegal use of tax payer money for elections.

Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress, Philippines Department of Tourism, Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various books, websites and other publications.

Last updated February 2026