POLITICS IN MALAYSIA: LEADERS, ETHNICTY, RELIGION, SYMBOLS, PROTESTS

POLITICS IN MALAYSIA

Deputy Commissioner of PAS Melaka, Haji Bakri Jamaluddin during a speech at the launch of the development of the PAS Melaka Complex in November 2024 in Semabok, Melaka; PAS is Malaysia's main Islamic party

Politics in Malaysia from the time it became independent in 1957 to 2018 was dominated by the United Malays National Organization (UNMO), which ruled through coalition alliances with ethnic parties such as the Malaysian Chinese Congress and Malaysian Indian Congress.

The government has been criticized for tolerated corruption, disregarding civil rights and controlling the judiciary and media. The Opposition claims the electoral system favours the ruling UNMO and Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, which has ruled Malaysia for more than half a century, As the perennial majority party in the BN, the UMNO has also created barriers for parties to compete in elections, such as increasing the amount of required deposits.

At a time of political upheaval in 2008, Thomas Fuller wrote in New York Times, The governing party “and the ethnic-based system of politics that it represents is in disarray. There is simmering resentment between the majority Malays and the minority Chinese and Indians, and corruption within government is rampant, despite promises to clean up the system.” Opposition leader Ibrahim “Anwar has vowed to remake the country's politics and revoke the authoritarian laws that, among other things, ban students from protesting, keep the media controlled and allow the government to lock up dissidents without trial. But Anwar remains a polarising figure who is not trusted by many in the elite. "I think there will at some point be a crisis of legitimacy," Ibrahim Suffian, the head of the Merdeka Centre, a polling agency, told the New York Times. "The leaders seem to feel that they can get away with a lot of things so long as the masses are satisfied with the economic opportunities given to them. But the economy is so bad that people are losing faith. There is a feeling that maybe it's time for major changes." [Source: Thomas Fuller, New York Times, August 2, 2008]

Political pressure groups and leaders: Bar Council; BERSIH (electoral reform coalition); PEMBELA (Muslim NGO coalition); PERKASA (defense of Malay rights). other: religious groups; women's groups; youth groups

Major Political Leaders in Malaysia

Tunku Abdul Rahman

Tunku Abdul Rahman (1903–1990) was the first Prime Minister of Malaya (1957–1963) and Malaysia (1963–1970). Widely known as the "Father of Independence" (Bapa Kemerdekaan), he led the country to independence from Britain in 1957 and facilitated the formation of Malaysia in 1963. After becoming leader of UMNO, Tunku Abdul Rahman formed an electoral alliance with the Malayan Chinese Association (MCA) to contest municipal elections. The coalition won most pre-independence local elections in 1952 and 1953 and was later expanded and formalized into a broader alliance that included the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC). This UMNO–MCA–MIC Alliance represented the three major ethnic communities in Malaya.

Tunku Abdul Rahman remained prime minister until 1971. However, following the devastating ethnic clashes of May 1969 and the declaration of a state of emergency, effective authority shifted to his deputy, Tun Abdul Razak (1922–1976), who later succeeded him. Razak reshaped Malaysia’s political landscape by creating the broad Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, led by UMNO, which continued to dominate national politics for decades. He also introduced the New Economic Policy (NEP), aimed at reducing economic disparities by granting Malays preferential opportunities and breaking the link between race and economic roles. The policy emphasized redistribution within a growing economy so that, while Malays advanced more rapidly, all communities would benefit from overall economic expansion. [Source: Countries of the World and Their Leaders Yearbook 2009, Gale 2008]

Another highly influential leader was Mahathir Mohamad (born 1925), who served as prime minister from 1981 to 2003. Known for his strong vision and determination, Mahathir promoted industrialization and sought to move Malaysia toward developed-nation status. During his tenure, the country experienced rapid economic growth, rising living standards, and significant modernization. He also pursued a moderate Islamization policy that helped reduce support for the fundamentalist Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS). Critics, however, argued that Mahathir concentrated executive power, weakened judicial independence, tolerated widespread corruption, and undermined democratic institutions, the rule of law, and civil society.

History of Politics and Government in Malaysia

Rafis Abazov wrote in the Worldmark Encyclopedia of National Economies: “Since Malaysia achieved independence, preservation of the balance between the main ethnic groups, political stability, and equal access to the national wealth were the major issues that shaped political debate and fueled conflict in the state. The coalition between the 3 main political parties and later the National Front, which represent the biggest ethnic communities in Malaysia, came to power on a platform of national consolidation and state paternalism (where the state makes decisions in social and economic affairs that in other countries would have been left to individuals and the market). This coalition was able to overcome deep divisions in Malaysian society and implement a successful policy of economic reforms, and it has remained in power ever since. In economic areas, the government has taken a very active role in the development and industrialization of the national economy. This has included significant investment in the state sector, a close alliance between government and private businesses, and the gradual privatization of state enterprises under a major privatization program launched in 1986. [Source: Rafis Abazov, Worldmark Encyclopedia of National Economies, Gale Group Inc., 2002]

Anwar Ibrahim at a political rally in 2023

“In response to growing discontent between ethnic communities and the resultant rising social polarization, in 1970 the Malaysian government introduced a 20-year program called the New Economic Policy (NEP). The program was intended to encourage rapid economic growth in all sectors of the national economy, promote private entrepreneurship—especially among representatives of poor communities—and support small and medium-sized businesses. It was also intended to attract foreign investments, especially in modern technologies, by offering cheap and well-trained labor. At the same time, however, the government made major efforts to redistribute wealth. The NEP recognized the need for radical social changes and aimed to improve living conditions, economic power, and access to education and social benefits for Malays and indigenous people. These groups, who were called Bumiputera (sons of the soil), received privileged access to public services, were granted land rights and preferences in education and training, and benefited from job quotas in the public sector . This program was successful, and Malaysia achieved impressive economic growth, especially during the late 1970s, and throughout the 1980s. Between 1979 and 1989, the average annual GDP growth rate was around 5.2 percent, with manufacturing growing at an annual average of 8.2 percent and exports of goods and services at an annual average of 9.3 percent. In 1990, the NEP was replaced by the National Development Policy (NDP), which continued to promote economic growth, but relaxed some of the social requirements and privileges institutionalized under the NEP. Between 1989 and 1999, the average annual growth of GDP was around 7.6 percent, with manufacturing growing at an even more impressive 10.2 percent.

“However, in 1997 Malaysia was affected heavily by the Asian financial crisis that started with the currency collapse in neighboring Thailand. Unlike Indonesia and Thailand, Malaysia became the only country in Southeast Asia to reject the International Monetary Fund's package of conditions and financial assistance, blaming international speculators for creating the crisis. The government, led by Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir Mohamad , opted for direct state intervention, imposing temporary restrictions on the currency exchange market and introducing various other measures, while his deputy called for further liberalization and economic restructuring . Against the recommendations of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the Malaysian government temporarily established tough capital-control measures to contain capital outflow . The Malaysian currency, the Malaysian ringgit, was pegged to the U.S. dollar at a fixed rate of RM3.8 per U.S. dollar (according to the IMF, out of 16 larger emerging market economies, only China and Malaysia have fixed pegs). Although the IMF initially criticized the Malaysian government's imposition of capital control and other restrictive measures, it later recognized their effectiveness.

“Allegedly, disagreement over the handling of the crisis led to the dismissal of Anwar Ibrahim, finance minister and deputy prime minister, who was also expelled from the UMNO, effectively ending his career. In 1998, Anwar was arrested on charges of corruption and homosexual activity and allegedly beaten while in custody. The trial consolidated Anwar's supporters and sparked protests across Malaysia in 1998 and 1999. Nevertheless, he was convicted on controversial charges of obstruction of justice. This trial undermined Mahathir's popularity at home and his standing internationally. The irregularities during the trial and police actions against demonstrations were condemned by human rights activists around the world.

Colors and Symbols in Malaysian Politics

Anwar supporters in red

Thomas Williamson wrote in Countries and Their Cultures: The selection of official cultural symbols is a source of tension. In such a diverse society, any national emblem risks privileging one group over another. For example, the king is the symbol of the state, as well as a sign of Malay political hegemony. Since ethnic diversity rules out the use of kin or blood metaphors to stand for Malaysia, the society often emphasizes natural symbols, including the sea turtle, the hibiscus flower, and the orangutan. The country's economic products and infrastructure also provide national logos for Malaysia; the national car (Proton), Malaysia Airlines, and the Petronas Towers (the world's tallest buildings) have all come to symbolize modern Malaysia. The government slogan "Malaysia Boleh!" (Malaysia Can!) is meant to encourage even greater accomplishments. A more humble, informal symbol for society is a salad called rojak, a favorite Malaysian snack, whose eclectic mix of ingredients evokes the population's diversity. [Source: Thomas Williamson, Countries and Their Cultures, Gale Group Inc., 2001]

On politics and colors in Malaysia, Bruce Gale wrote in The Strait Times, “Politicians in Kuala Lumpur have not been quite so obsessed with colour. But even here, the battle lines have been drawn to some extent. Malaysia's ruling Barisan Nasional coalition, for example, is well known for its blue and white banners. So far, however, the mishmash of parties and colours that make up the opposition Pakatan Rakyat alliance has prevented the government's opponents from rallying around a single colour. This may be the reason why opposition parties urged their supporters to wear black when rallying outside the Perak state assembly building on May 7 to protest against the installation of a new state government. Dozens of protesters wearing black were arrested outside the assembly building. "Why can't we wear black? Do we have to get permission from the government to wear black?" asked one opposition supporter. [Source: Bruce Gale, The Strait Times, June 15, 2007]

Ethnicity and Politics in Malaysia

Malaysian politics have traditionally been divided along racial lines. After serious riot between Muslims and Chinese during the election in 1969 an effort was made to make sure that elections do not take a racial nature. Muslims (most of them Malays) make up 60 percent of Malaysia's population and form the bulk of voters for the United Malays National Organization. The party dominates the National Front coalition, which includes Chinese- and Indian-based parties in a power-sharing arrangement that has ensured racial peace in this multiethnic country.

Ethnic Malays and Muslims, who comprise some 60 percent of Malaysia’s 27 million people, control political power. Many ethnic Chinese and Indians, who form the two main minority communities, complain their grievances are ignored, especially regarding an affirmative action program that gives privileges to Malays in business, jobs and education.

Although Malays make up the majority of the population they can be divided along various lines such moderate Muslims versus more Islamic Muslims. The Chinese are a minority, but a sizable one at 25 percent of the population. They often play the role of swing voters.

According to Reuters: “Malaysia is dominated politically by ethnic Malays, who are Muslims and see themselves as the natural rulers and indigenous race. But they make up only a slender majority — ethnic Chinese and Indians account for almost 40 percent of the population. The social melting pot, partly a legacy of colonial times when former ruler Britain imported Chinese and Indian labor to work mines and plantations, has left Malaysia with a major challenge to keep the peace between the races. With conservative Islam on the rise in Malaysia, non-Muslims have begun to complain that their constitutional right to freedom of worship and to secular government are being compromised.The Malay deputy premier recently called Malaysia an Islamic state, angering non-Muslims. Increasingly, leaders of the multi-racial government are urging Malaysians to heed the lessons of 1969, when racial tensions burst into deadly riots. [Source: Reuters August 31, 2007]

Religion and Politics in Malaysia

According to Human Rights Watch: Malaysia’s constitution affirms the country is a secular state that protects religious freedom for all, but treatment of religious minorities continues to raise concerns. On August 3, 2011, Selangor state religious authorities raided a Methodist church where an annual charity dinner was being held. The authorities alleged that there had been unlawful proselytization of the Muslims present at the event but presented no evidence to support their allegations. Nazri Aziz, de facto law minister, said that since Islam allows underage marriage, the government “can’t legislate against it.” [Source: Human Rights Watch, World Report 2012: Malaysia]

Religion can be a contentious political matter in Malaysia. Ian Buruma wrote in The New Yorker, “How to reconcile the Islamists and the secularists? Anwar prefers to finesse the problem, by “concentrating on what we have in common, not what divides us.” But PAS has stated its desire to introduce hudud laws for Muslim citizens “” punishing criminal offenses with stoning, whipping, and amputation. Secularist partners in a federal government would find that hard to accept. “Any party should be free to articulate its ideas,” Anwar says. “But no issue should be forced on non-Muslims. When I argue with Muslims, I cannot sound detached from rural Malays, like a typical Malay liberal, or sound like Kemal Ataurk. I would not reject Islamic law out of hand. But without the consent of the majority there is no way you can implement Islamic law as national law.” [Source: Ian Buruma, The New Yorker, May 19, 2009 ]

Youth-Led Movement Against Malaysia’s Race-Based Politics

According to the Christian Science Monitor: During the COVID-19 pandemic, a youth-led movement called for democratic reform and an end to political favoritism based on ethnic or religious identity. In July 2021, young Malaysians protested the government’s handling of the pandemic, contributing to the resignation of Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. His successor, Ismail Sabri Yaakob, later allowed the implementation of a 2019 law lowering the voting age to 18, expanding political participation among younger citizens. [Source:Christian Science Monitor, September 29, 2021]

Greater youth involvement has the potential to challenge Malaysia’s long-standing race-based political system, in which economic benefits have often favored the majority Malay population while minorities such as Chinese and Indians faced disadvantages. A youth-driven political initiative, led by former lawmaker and sports minister Syed Saddiq Syed Abdul, aims to promote more inclusive politics through the proposed Malaysian United Democratic Alliance (MUDA).

Observers note a growing emphasis on civic equality among young Malaysians. Through social media, they have gained access to broader sources of information and organized political discussions. In one example, 222 young people held a two-day “digital parliament” that attracted more than 200,000 viewers and focused on policies affecting youth, reflecting interest in a political system that treats citizens more equally.

Lack of Progress Fighting Corruption Drives Voters Back to Ethnic-Based Politics

The Malays, which make up about 53 percent of the country's population, have the most representatives in the parliament and state assemblies. In the 2010s, Malaysia’s sovereign wealth fund 1MDB was at the center of a massive corruption scandal involving billions of dollars and figures ranging from government officials to international institutions. Former Prime Minister Najib Razak was later jailed, but the scandal’s political impact continued. [Source: Koh Ewe, Time, September 8, 2023]

The revelations initially united voters across ethnic lines around the need to combat corruption and helped bring down the long-ruling Barisan Nasional coalition in the 2018 election. However, despite strong anti-corruption promises from successive leaders, many cases resulted in charges but few convictions, contributing to public disillusionment.

Recent court decisions dropping or dismissing corruption charges against prominent politicians—including Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and former Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin—raised doubts about the government’s reform efforts and sparked accusations of political favoritism.

As confidence in anti-corruption efforts declined, Malaysian politics increasingly returned to racial and religious divisions. Analysts warned that this shift risked deepening social polarization, while many voters grew cynical about the possibility of meaningful political change.

Family Ties in Malaysian Politics

Politics often appeared to be a family affair in Asia, with prominent dynasties such as Pakistan’s Bhuttos, India’s Gandhis, and Singapore’s Lees. Malaysia seemed poised to follow a similar pattern when Najib Razak — the son of the country’s second prime minister and nephew of the third — prepared to assume leadership in March 2009. At the time, the nation of about 27 million people was facing economic challenges as well as growing political and ethnic tensions. [Source: Jalil Hamid and Niluksi Koswanage, Reuters, November 3, 2008 ++]

Another emerging figure within the long-ruling political party was Mukhriz Mahathir, the son of Malaysia’s longest-serving prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad. Family connections continued to shape the political landscape in later years: Anwar Ibrahim became prime minister in 2022, and his daughter, Nurul Izzah, had earlier been elected to Parliament in 2008 as a representative of the People’s Justice Party (PKR).

“There is an Asian belief that political power can be passed on to the next generation through bloodline,” observed James Chin, a political science professor at Monash University in Malaysia. Critics argued that the idea of inherited authority contributed to corruption, slowed development, and weakened governance. They also noted that the children of political leaders often struggled to match the reputations of their parents. Political writer Abdullah Ahmad, a former aide to Najib’s father, cautioned that anyone expecting Najib to resemble his father as prime minister would likely be disappointed.

Najib had entered Parliament at just 22 after taking over his father’s seat when Abdul Razak Hussein died in office. Over the years, he held several ministerial positions, including roles in the sports, education, and defense ministries, before becoming finance minister. His father had designed Malaysia’s race-based economic policy intended to help ethnic Malays advance economically and compete with the more commercially established ethnic Chinese community. Najib’s uncle, Hussein Onn, was credited with promoting racial unity during his time as prime minister.

Najib’s family ties extended deeply into both politics and business. A cousin served as education minister, while his younger brother, Nazir, led Malaysia’s second-largest bank, CIMB. Some political observers believed these extensive connections made it difficult for Najib to establish a fully independent political identity. Although he still needed to win a party election to secure the top post, he appeared to face little serious opposition.

Political editor Zainon Ahmad remarked that Najib had long benefited from strong support, first from his uncle Hussein Onn and later from Mahathir Mohamad, who was seen as owing a debt of gratitude to Najib’s father. By the time he approached the premiership, however, observers felt he would finally have to lead on his own.

Mahathir Shadow in Malaysian Politics

Mahathir served as Prime Minister of Malaysia from 1981 to 2003 and again from 1918 to 2020. Dr.Jalil Hamid and Niluksi Koswanage of Reuters wrote: “When he took the reins of power in 2003, current prime minister Abdullah looked like a tonic for a country that had grown tired of Mahathir's 22-year rule. Mahathir dragged Malaysia toward developed nation status, oversaw the building of the iconic Petronas towers in Kuala Lumpur, and guided the country through the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s. Yet his long rule was also criticized for the growth of cronyism and its failure to help poor Malays. Abdullah seemed to have laid the ghost of Mahathir to rest in 2004 when the Barisan Nasional coalition, led by his United Malays National Organization (UMNO) party, scored its biggest election success on promises to end corruption. [Source: Jalil Hamid and Niluksi Koswanage, Reuters, November 3, 2008 ++]

“That success turned to dust in elections in March 2008 when the opposition stunned the government by depriving it of its customary two-thirds majority in parliament, which means it can no longer automatically change the country's constitution. Mahathir has since turned on Abdullah, sniping from the sidelines when the premier canceled some of his massive infrastructure projects. He resigned from UMNO, swearing not to return until Abdullah was ousted. ++

“In a further twist to that feud, Mukhriz Mahathir is battling Abdullah's son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin for the leadership of UMNO's influential youth wing, a staging post to the party presidency and the premiership of the country. That political battle is a sign that dynasty politics will be around for a long time to come, worrying some Malaysians who feel the country is governed neither by them, nor for them. "The ones that keep coming back for more are the sons, daughters and grandchildren of yesteryear's leaders," said a comment posted on political blog www.bakrimusa.com. "It is, to them, their birthright to be accorded such positions as their fathers and forefathers. If you are not born to 'the families', then you must marry into one!"

Demonstrations and Efforts to Curtail Them in Malaysia

Street demonstrations have traditionally been extremely rare in Malaysia, which prides itself on its communal and political stability. Two protests by Indians in November 2007 indicate that Malaysians are becoming bolder about venting their frustrations publicly against a political system that concentrates power and influence in the hands of the Malay ruling elite. But major demonstrations have occurred, in some cases resulting in profound changes afterwards. See 1969 Riots under History, Indians Under Minorities, Protests After the 2013 Elections under History. Also See Human Rights.

After nearly losing an election in 1987 and facing leadership challenges among his own party, Mahathir placed the independent judiciary under parliamentary control, threw critics in jail without a trial or even charges, and muzzled the free press. The Internal Security Act set up by the British was invoked in October 1987 to arrest 106 people, including opposition leaders. In early April 2001, just days before public protests were scheduled to commemorate the second anniversary of Ibrahim Anwar's sentencing, ten opposition leaders were detained under the Internal Security Act.

Following large demonstrations in 2007, Malaysian Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi stated that national stability and public safety would take precedence over civil liberties. His remarks came after police arrested opposition members, lawyers, and other participants in banned street protests calling for electoral reform, greater transparency, and racial equality. Authorities defended the crackdown by arguing that the rallies threatened public order, especially amid intelligence reports of possible violence. Major protests in Kuala Lumpur drew tens of thousands of participants, including minority ethnic Indians protesting discrimination and economic hardship. While Abdullah pledged to pursue political and economic justice, he emphasized the need to manage competing social demands and warned voters against supporting groups that exploited racial tensions for political gain. [Source: Sean Yoong, Associated Press, December 10, 2007]

In November 2011, Malaysia’s parliament approved a strict anti-protest law banning street demonstrations, despite a boycott by opposition lawmakers and strong criticism from activists. Prime Minister Najib Razak presented the measure as part of broader reforms to replace older security laws and argued that it protected peaceful assembly while preventing public disruption. Opposition leaders and rights groups, however, described the Peaceful Assembly Act as repressive. The law limited protests mainly to designated venues such as stadiums and halls, required advance notice to police, restricted participation by minors and non-citizens, and imposed fines for violations. Critics also argued that the bill was rushed through parliament without sufficient public consultation. Organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and the Malaysian Bar Council warned that the act granted excessive authority to police and undermined constitutional rights to peaceful protest. Some opposition figures pledged to challenge the law in court, maintaining that it threatened freedom of public assembly. [Source: Al-Jazeera, November 29, 2011]

Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress, Malaysia Tourism Promotion Board, Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various books, websites and other publications.

Last updated January 2026