MALAYSIA UNDER PRIME MINISTER NAJIB RAZAK 2009-2018

NAJIB RAZAK

Najib at the World Economic Forum in Davos in 2013

Prime Minister of Malaysia Dato' Sri Mohd Najib was appointed as Malaysia's 6th Prime Minister in April 2009. As Deputy Prime Minister Najib succeeded Abdullah Ahmad Badawi who did not seek reelection as United Malays National Organization (UMNO) President, in March 2009, as planned, and the following month Najib became prime minister. The UMNO had been the dominant party in Malaysia for decades. [Source: Malaysian Government; Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed., Columbia University Press]

Najib took office after being elected president of the UMNO , the dominant faction of the ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. This leadership change was part of a deal reached in 2008 with Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi, following the party's loss of support in the March 2008 national elections. According to the Far Eastern Economic Review, Najib won 190 out of 191 party division nominations and was the only candidate. However, despite his near-unanimous approval, UMNO continues to be plagued by sharp tensions. [Source: Dante Pastrana, World Socialist Web Site, April 2, 2009]

Najib's rise to leadership coincided with an increasingly vocal electorate's rising demand for change. Following a huge rally for electoral reform in Kuala Lumpur in 2011, Mr. Najib moved to reform strict laws on public gatherings. He also repealed the controversial Internal Security Act, which was replaced by new laws in 2012. However, critics say the new laws remain repressive and still allow for abuses.[Source: BBC, May 1, 2013]

Najib was first elected to Malaysia's Parliament in 1976 at the age of 23, replacing his deceased father in the seat of Pekan, which is located in the state of Pahang. His tenure as prime minister from 2009 to 2018 was marked by economic liberalization measures, such as cuts to government subsidies, which were unpopular among the public. Following the 2013 election, his government pursued several critics on sedition charges, imprisoned opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim after a sodomy conviction, and implemented a Goods and Services Tax (GST). Najib was prime minister during the Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 disaster, as well as during the dispute with North Korea following the assassination of Kim Jong-nam. In 2020, he was convicted of corruption in the 1Malaysia Development Berhad scandal, one of the largest money laundering and embezzlement scandals in history. [Source: Wikipedia]

Economic Policy Under Najib

Najib and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Russia in 2010

Najib, who has a bachelor's degree in economics, took over at a time when a re-energized opposition led by Anwar was seeking to take over the government and when economic growth was is the doldrums due to global financial turmoil and Malaysia' was losing investment money to more nimble neighbors. Growth in Malaysia's export-oriented economy in 2009 fell to it lowest numbers since 2001. The budget deficit soared due to spending on fuel subsidies and national infrastructure projects, according to the Malaysian Institute for Economic Research, a leading think-tank. "I pity Najib. He's taking over from the worst of times and from a man who messed things up," Abdullah Ahmad told Reuters, referring to the outgoing premier Abdullah Ahmad Badawi.

Najib embarked on a series of economic and governmental reforms aimed at revitalizing his coalition’s image. He abolished repressive security laws, sought foreign investment, and expanded public welfare programs, including cash handouts for civil servants and the poor. Promoting his “1Malaysia” initiative, he also scaled back affirmative action policies, though his efforts were constrained by hardliners in his ruling Malay party. To mark his 100th day in office, Najib introduced economic incentives such as reduced road tolls and lower business license fees. His approval rating rose sharply from 45 to 65 percent, according to a nationwide poll by the Merdeka Center. [Source: Eileen Ng, Associated Press, April 29 2013; Source: Razak Ahmad, Reuters, June 6, 2009]

Malaysia had been one of the few Asian countries attempting structural reforms, including cutting state subsidies on basic provisions, to reduce its high public debt, which stood at 54.8 percent of GDP. Under Prime Minister Najib Razak, fuel subsidies were reduced in September, and a 6 percent sales tax was planned for the following year, leading to higher costs for petrol and electricity. Many Malaysians felt the strain as middle-class lifestyles clashed with rising living costs, while household debt, which had reached 86.8 percent of GDP, left the population financially vulnerable, raising concerns that the middle class could be imperiled if economic growth slowed.[Source: Jeremy Grant, Financial Times, April 16, 2014]

New Economic Model

Najib unveiled the Malaysia's New Economic Model (NEM) in 2010 to raise Malaysia from a middle income nation to a high-income nation by raising per capita income to $15,000 by 2015 from $7,000 in 2010 as well as maintaining a growth rate of six percent a year. He aimed to do this through inclusive and sustainable growth, ensuring benefits were shared broadly without compromising future generations. It emphasized quality over quantity, promoting productivity through private sector initiative, skills development, competition, decentralized decision-making, clustered regional growth, selective incentives, innovation, and engagement with emerging markets and foreign talent. [Source: Philip Schellekens, World Bank blogs, March 30, 2010; The Star, March 30, 2010]

Najib at the Vatican in 2011 with Pope Benedict

The NEM also sought to balance affirmative action for Bumiputera with fair opportunities for all groups, targeting support to the bottom 40 percent of households to improve skills, incomes, and entrepreneurship. By linking merit, needs, and transparent processes, the model aimed to foster equality, better monitoring, and sustainable implementation, ultimately enabling families to thrive in safe, connected, and modern communities.

The NEM replaced the pro-Malay New Economic Policy (NEP), which Najib criticized for failing to meet its target of raising Malay ownership in corporate wealth to 30 percent by 2010, which stood at only 19 percent in 2009. He pledged to reform the system, create a new investor-friendly economic model, and address issues of corruption, racial discrimination, and Malaysia’s brain drain, which had seen over one million skilled citizens, mainly ethnic Chinese, leave for higher-paying jobs abroad.

1Malaysia and Crackdowns on Dissent

1Malaysia had been a campaign introduced by Prime Minister Najib Razak in September 2008, calling for the cabinet, government agencies, and civil servants to emphasize ethnic harmony, national unity, and efficient governance. The eight values of 1Malaysia, as articulated by Najib Razak, were perseverance, a culture of excellence, acceptance, loyalty, education, humility, integrity, and meritocracy. Najib launched 1Malaysia.com.my to communicate with the citizens of Malaysia more efficiently and support the broader 1Malaysia campaign. He used the site to highlight his policy initiatives and to provide a forum for Malaysians to engage with their government. The 1Malaysia campaign made extensive use of social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter.

The first 1Malaysia People's Aid (BR1M) Project had been a scheme devised by Najib Razak to help poor Malaysians. An amount of RM 500 was given to households with an income of less than RM 3,000 a month. The second BR1M Project, also known as BR1M 2.0, was launched in February 2013, with more than RM 2.5 billion distributed to Malaysians nationwide, affecting 5.7 million households across the country. In addition to the RM 500 for households, the government had also allocated RM 250 to single individuals. Those who had received RM 500 from the first BR1M project did not need to apply, as it was automatically processed.

In September 2008, Malaysian authorities arrested opposition lawmaker Teresa Kok and two journalists, including Raja Petra Raja Kamarudin, under the Internal Security Act (ISA), which allowed indefinite detention without trial. While journalist Tan Chee Hoon was later released, Kok and Kamarudin remained in custody. The government, led by Prime Minister Abdullah and reportedly influenced by then-Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak, claimed the arrests were to maintain public order and prevent racial tension. Rights activists condemned the move, viewing it as an attempt to suppress dissent and hinder opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim’s political efforts. The detentions sparked widespread criticism over Malaysia’s use of the ISA and raised concerns about press freedom and political repression.[Source: Eileen Ng, Associated Press, September 13, 2008 ++]

Protests During Najib's First Term

Najib and his wife Rosmah Mansor with Prime Minister of India, Dr. Manmohan Singh and his wife Smt. Gursharan Kaur in New Delhi in 2010

In August 2009, Malaysian police violently dispersed a mass protest of around 20,000 people in Kuala Lumpur against the Internal Security Act (ISA), which allowed indefinite detention without trial. Police used tear gas and chemical-laced water, arresting nearly 600 participants, including minors, though most were later released. Sixty-three remained in custody, facing charges of illegal assembly. Opposition leaders, including Anwar Ibrahim, condemned the crackdown as evidence that the government continued to suppress peaceful dissent despite promises of reform.[Source: Julia Zappei, Associated Press, August 1, 2009]

In July 2011, thousands of people protested in Kuala Lumpur against the government, frustrated by the slow pace of economic and political reforms. Despite the government banning the rally and police efforts to prevent it, demonstrators took to the streets. Police fired tear gas and detained hundreds of activists as more than 20,000 demonstrators massed across Malaysia's main city demanding electoral reforms in the country's biggest political rally in years. The rally was organized by Bersih 2.0, the Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections, who were demanding electoral reforms. Police fired teargas at close range at protesters in an underground tunnel, injuring several, and into the Tung Shin and Chinese Maternity hospital courtyard. More than 1,700 demonstrators were arrested. The election protests were held by group of more than 60 non-governmental organizations, known as Bersih 2.0, which has the support of opposition political parties. Bersih wants electoral changes, such as lengthening campaign periods to at least 21 days and using indelible ink on fingers to prevent people from voting more than once. [Source: Associated Press, November 29 2011]

The opposition-backed Bersih rallies put intense pressure on Prime Minister Najib Razak’s long-ruling coalition to reform election laws and ensure fairer, more transparent polls. Despite the government declaring the protests illegal and deploying heavy security—including roadblocks, station closures, water cannons, tear gas, and mass arrests—the demonstrations drew tens of thousands and galvanized the opposition, boosting public political awareness. Activists accused the government of electoral fraud, corruption, and discrimination, while authorities insisted the system was fair and the rallies represented only a minority.

Najib and Lee Hsien Loong on the 8th Singapore-Malaysia Leaders' Retreat in 2018

Police detained more than 1,600 people during the clampdowns, and clashes left some protesters injured, including opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim. Disputed crowd estimates ranged from 6,000 (police) to 50,000 (organizers). In response to continued protests, Parliament passed the Peaceful Assembly Act in late 2011, banning street rallies and imposing strict conditions and penalties—moves criticized by rights groups and the opposition as repressive.

Further large-scale protests in April 2012 again drew tens of thousands demanding electoral reforms, highlighting persistent concerns that Najib’s coalition would retain an unfair advantage in upcoming elections and underscoring growing public dissent over democratic freedoms in Malaysia. [Source: AP, April 28, 2012]

2013 Elections in Malaysia

In the May 2013 general elections, Prime Minister Najib Razak’s Barisan Nasional (BN, National Front) coalition retained control of Parliament but suffered its weakest mandate yet. BN won 133 of the 222 seats—enough for a simple majority but far short of the two-thirds majority it had sought—while Anwar Ibrahim’s three-party opposition alliance, Pakatan Rakyat, secured 89 seats. Although BN remained in power, it lost the popular vote to the opposition, underscoring a major shift in Malaysia’s political landscape. [Source: Stuart Grudgings and Al-Zaquan Amer Hamzah, Reuters, May 5, 2013; AFP, May 5, 2013; Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed., Columbia University Press]

The opposition rejected the outcome, alleging widespread fraud, gerrymandering, and unequal electoral boundaries that favored BN. Support patterns became increasingly polarized: BN continued to draw backing largely from poorer, rural, and Malay voters, while the opposition was strongest among urban, wealthier, and ethnic Chinese voters. Reuters described the result as BN’s worst electoral performance, extending its decades-long rule but exposing deepening racial and political divisions.

According to his own aides, Najib’ party secured victory in 2013 by distributing hundreds of millions of dollars to party leaders, who then gave the money to voters. But despite massive campaign spending and social handouts, Najib faced criticism from conservatives within his own party for failing to deliver a stronger mandate. After the election, his government moved away from earlier, tentative liberal reforms and instead reemphasized pro-Malay policies, tightened controls on dissent, and adopted more openly pro-Islamic positions, reflecting both internal party pressures and the increasingly polarized electorate.

Fraud and Unfair Advantages in the 2013 Elections

anti-Najib protest in 2016

Malaysia’s opposition rejected the results of the May 2013 general election and organized protests, branding the polls fraudulent. Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim said his People’s Alliance would challenge results in 30 to 40 constituencies affected by alleged irregularities and would hold rallies demanding reform. Stressing electoral change rather than street uprisings, Anwar said the opposition sought “transitions through elections, and not Tahrir Square.” [Sources: Reuters, May 26, 2013; AFP, May 6, 2013; AP, May 8, 2013; Joe Cochrane, New York Times, May 10, 2013]

Opposition parties, election workers, and independent monitors accused the government of systematic manipulation. Allegations included partisan control of the Election Commission, the use of foreign laborers voting with illegal identity cards, and the failure of indelible ink meant to prevent multiple voting. The Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs concluded that the election was “only partially free and not fair,” citing doubts over the voter roll and the Election Commission’s impartiality—claims rejected by the Prime Minister’s Office.

Public anger spread rapidly online, fueled by videos and eyewitness accounts of alleged foreign voters at polling stations. Reuters interviews with polling agents pointed to procedural lapses and poorly trained officials, suggesting that incompetence, particularly in handling spoiled ballots, may have affected close races. In Selangor, Reuters also identified voters using identity cards previously flagged in investigations into alleged citizenship-for-votes schemes in Sabah, accusations the government denied.

Beyond fraud claims, analysts argued that structural bias played a decisive role. Electoral boundaries heavily favored the ruling coalition, with some urban opposition seats containing up to nine times as many voters as rural pro-government constituencies. While the National Front lost urban support, it remained dominant in rural areas through patronage and state assistance. Critics concluded that malapportionment, rather than outright fraud, was central to Najib Razak’s narrow victory.

After the election, Anwar called for mass rallies to protest what he described as the “worst electoral fraud in our history.” He urged Malaysians to “join hands and express our rejection and disgust” at the conduct of the polls, calling it a “crime” and declaring that the government had “lost its legitimacy.”

More than 100,000 people attended rallies nationwide, including at least 50,000 who gathered in the rain at a stadium protest, many dressed in black and wearing slogans such as “Democracy is dead.” Anwar and other opposition leaders demanded greater electoral transparency.

Tensions escalated rapidly after the Election Commission confirmed Najib’s parliamentary majority. Anwar rejected the outcome, vowed legal challenges, and called for protests, while the government accused him of inciting unrest and police warned of possible sedition charges. Analysts cautioned that the confrontation, following a deeply divisive campaign, heightened fears of political instability and raised the risk of a more explosive standoff between the government and the opposition.

Najib After the 2013 Election

After the 2013 election, Najib Razak pledged to govern on a platform of limited reform. He promised to boost foreign investment, improve public welfare through cash handouts to civil servants and the poor, and advance his 1Malaysia programme, which emphasized national unity. Najib said these measures reflected what his government intended to deliver over the next five years, with improved welfare and well-being for Malaysia’s more than 13 million workers as a central priority. [Source: BBC, May 1, 2013; Associated Press, May 26, 2013]

However, the election’s aftermath quickly revealed deep political strains. Within weeks, the divisive result left millions of Malaysians questioning the legitimacy of Najib’s Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, which had secured about 60 percent of parliamentary seats with less than half of the popular vote. Public anger was increasingly visible, including rare acts of open disrespect such as defaced posters mocking Najib’s electoral mandate. Comments by government figures suggesting that dissatisfied citizens should emigrate further inflamed tensions.

The uncertainty unsettled investors who had hoped the election would bring political stability. Najib faced the prospect of a leadership challenge within UMNO as the opposition, led by Anwar Ibrahim, refused to accept the outcome, organized large rallies, and prepared legal challenges in nearly 30 closely contested constituencies. Discontent spilled beyond Malaysia, with more than 220,000 signatures submitted to a U.S. White House petition calling for international attention to the election.

Within UMNO, divisions sharpened. Hard-liners called for a crackdown on dissent and blamed ethnic Chinese voters for abandoning the ruling coalition, heightening racial tensions in a country where ethnic Malays dominate politics and enjoy constitutionally protected privileges. Reform-minded figures, by contrast, urged Najib to press ahead with social and economic reforms to counter opposition gains and address the frustrations of young, urban voters, including many Malays. As pressure mounted, the hard-liners appeared to gain the upper hand when authorities invoked the colonial-era Sedition Act to detain opposition politicians and activists, signaling a retreat from Najib’s earlier reformist tone.

1MDB Corruption Scandal

By 2015, 1MDB had become the center of a major international corruption scandal. Evidence indicated large-scale fraud, money laundering, and misappropriation of funds, with the U.S. Department of Justice alleging at least $3.5 billion had been stolen from the state-owned fund. By 2020, the alleged misappropriated amount had risen to $4.5 billion, while Malaysia reported 1MDB debts totaling $7.8 billion. The scandal implicated former Prime Minister Najib Razak, contributing to his party’s defeat in the 2018 elections and his subsequent trial and imprisonment. [Source: Wikipedia; [Source: Reuters, December 8, 2021]

The U.S. Department of Justice (DoJ) said $4.5 billion was diverted to offshore bank accounts and shell companies, many linked to Low. Malaysian authorities say billions more remain unaccounted for. The siphoned funds were used to buy luxury assets and real estate for Low and his associates, including a private jet, a superyacht, hotels, jewelry, and to finance the 2013 Hollywood film "The Wolf of Wall Street", U.S. lawsuits have said. The scandal remains one of the largest cases of state-linked financial fraud, highlighting systemic governance failures and reshaping Malaysia’s political and financial landscape.

Fallout of the 1MDB on Najib and His Wife

The New York Times reported: Malaysians were accustomed to a certain amount of grease in the country’s political system, but the extravagant sums linked to the 1MDB scandal shocked the public. United States federal prosecutors called the money-laundering scheme “massive, brazen and blatant.” Mr. Najib moved to shut down critical news reports, or to spin it in the state media outlets. But he could not block everything [Source: Hannah Beech, Richard C. Paddock and Alexandra Stevenson, New York Times, May 15, 2018]

News outlets including The Sarawak Report blog and the Malaysia-based newspaper The Edge joined The Wall Street Journal at the lead of the race to expose each detail. (The Edge was shut down at one point for three months, and The Sarawak Report website is still blocked in Malaysia.) The Malaysian political establishment wondered how the son of a famously ascetic prime minister had grown so venal and careless. “If you want to steal this kind of money, why would you put it in your own account?” said James Chin, a Malaysian who is the director of the Asia Institute at the University of Tasmania. “It shows such arrogance.”

As the public grew angrier about the excesses, Ms. Rosmah became a frequent target of ire. Her habit of taking chartered shopping expeditions to Europe and Australia, presumably at the expense of Malaysian taxpayers, became social-media fodder. Her Hermès Birkin handbag collection, one broker said, was worth at least $10 million. Rightly or wrongly, Rosmah was vilified as the major partner in the corruption and scandals associated with the prime minister,” said Lim Teck Ghee, a public policy analyst in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia’s capital.

In 2015, when Mr. Najib’s and Ms. Rosmah’s daughter married the nephew of President Nursultan Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan, guests were astonished by their lavish wedding celebrations. Mr. Mahathir, who attended one party, recalled seeing soldiers lugging at least 17 trunks loaded with luxury gifts for the guests. “I had never seen that, even at royal weddings,” he said in an interview with The New York Times in 2016.

. Najib was labeled the “Man of Steal” by Zulkiflee Anwar Ulhaque, one of Malaysia’s leading cartoonists, who depicted Ms. Rosmah wearing a giant diamond ring on her plump finger. Najib’s response was swift and unforgiving. Zulkiflee, known by the pen name Zunar, was charged with nine counts of sedition and faced a possible prison sentence of up to 43 years.

Protests After the Breaking of the 1MDB Scandal

In November 2016, for the second time in 15 months, the reformist coalition Bersih had organized a demonstration calling for Najib Razak to resign and face justice over allegations that billions had been misappropriated from his brainchild investment fund, 1MDB. Tensions had escalated in the preceding weeks after threats from the right-wing “Red Shirts” group to confront their “Yellow Shirts” opponents. In the hours leading up to the rally, authorities had arrested leaders from both sides, though it remained unclear whether the crackdown would intensify the situation. [Source: AFP, 19 November 2016]

Riot police were deployed to potential flashpoints, and traffic in and around Kuala Lumpur had been severely disrupted by a network of overnight road closures. Initially, no violence was reported. “We wanted a clean government. We wanted fair elections,” said Derek Wong, 38, a real estate agent who joined thousands of Bersih marchers, many of whom were beating drums and blowing vuvuzelas. “As a citizen, I came here peacefully to decide the future of the country. We hoped to see Najib removed and charged in court.”

Bersih, meaning “clean” in Malay, was an alliance of NGOs and civil-society groups that had staged multiple protests over the years demanding electoral reform, but it had since shifted its focus to the 1MDB scandal. In August 2015, Bersih had drawn tens of thousands of supporters to two days of peaceful protests across Kuala Lumpur and other cities, calling for Najib’s removal.

Critics accused Najib of moving toward autocracy to suppress the scandal, having shut down Malaysian investigations, arrested opponents, and throttled media coverage. In a radio address that week, Najib dismissed Bersih as a “deceitful” scheme “to unseat a democratically elected government.” Police arrested Bersih leader Maria Chin Abdullah, along with several other reformists and opposition politicians. Amnesty International condemned the arrests as “the latest in a series of crude and heavy-handed attempts to intimidate Malaysian civil society activists and human rights defenders.”

Authorities also detained Red Shirts leader Jamal Yunos, who had threatened potential violence against Bersih supporters. Despite the restrictions, Bersih’s Yellow Shirts had planned to march toward Kuala Lumpur’s symbolic Independence Square, which police had sealed off to prevent the demonstration.

2018 Elections in Malaysia

General elections were held in Malaysia on May 9, 2018. All 222 seats in the Dewan Rakyat, the lower house of parliament, were up for grabs after Najib had dissolved parliament a month earlier. It it would have been automatically dissolved in June 2018, five years after previous election in 2013. [Source: Wikipedia]

In a historic upset, the opposition Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition, together with the Sabah Heritage Party (WARISAN), won a majority by capturing 121 seats. This ended the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition’s uninterrupted rule of over six decades since 1955. PH leader Mahathir, who had previously served as prime minister from 1981 to 2003 was sworn in again on May 10 at the age of 93, becoming the world’s oldest elected head of government. BN, led by Najib, retained 79 seats and became the opposition, alongside Gagasan Sejahtera (GS) with 18 seats. The United Sabah Alliance won one seat, and three seats went to independents.

In the state elections held at the same time, BN lost Negeri Sembilan, Malacca, Johor, Kedah, and Perak to PH. WARISAN captured Sabah, leaving BN with only Perlis and Pahang. After his defeat, Mr. Najib posted on Twitter: “I apologize for any shortcomings and mistakes” that “the best interests of Malaysia and its people will always be my first priority.”

According to the New York Times: Mahathir was shocked by the extent of the corruption surrounding Najib and succeeded in harnessing public angst over the rising cost of living and financial scandals linked to Najib. A farm subsidy program that, by some accounts, was missing around $750 million particularly resonated with rural Malays. Some of these Malays ended up casting swing votes in favor of the opposition. Najib oversaw that program. Mahathir's defection proved critical, though there was no assurance that he could still command his old popularity. 1MDB was a key factor in the election result,” said Lim Teck Ghee, a public policy analyst in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia’s capital.“The long-running scandal became indelibly associated with the endemic high-level corruption in the country.” [Source: Hannah Beech, Richard C. Paddock and Alexandra Stevenson, New York Times, May 15, 2018]

After the elections, Mahathir secured a royal pardon for jailed PH leader Anwar Ibrahim and indicated he would eventually hand power to him. Najib resigned as BN chairman on May 12, and Ahmad Zahid Hamidi became Leader of the Opposition. Investigations into the 1MDB scandal, paused during Najib’s tenure, resumed, leading to ongoing criminal indictments against him. PH’s government lasted 22 months before collapsing in the 2020 political crisis. It was replaced by Perikatan Nasional under Muhyiddin Yassin, which itself fell after 17 months, allowing BN to return to power with Ismail Sabri Yaakob as prime minister.

Najib Thought He Was Going to Win

According to the New York Times; Even as public outrage intensified, Mr. Najib seemed curiously removed from reality. In omnipresent campaign billboards, he hogged the limelight, his grin and upturned hands evoking less a statesman than a salesman. Malaysian voters were supposed to acquiesce to whatever deal he had on offer. [Source: Hannah Beech, Richard C. Paddock and Alexandra Stevenson, New York Times, May 15, 2018]

Under Mr. Najib’s leadership, the party ensured victory in 2013 by passing out hundreds of millions of dollars to party leaders to give to voters, according to his own aides. The strategy was similar for 2018, analysts said, and Mr. Najib had predicted that the governing coalition would do even better in this month’s elections than it had in 2013, before the 1MDB scandal broke out.

On the eve of campaigning, Mr. Najib’s information minister, Salleh Said Keruak, bragged that the United Malays National Organization, or UMNO, would win easily, and that the party had access to a trove of government data on Malaysian voters. “We have it all at our fingertips,” he said. Mr. Salleh wasn’t the only one to miscalculate. Local polling agencies predicted the elections would go to the National Front coalition, which is dominated by UMNO. Across the country, public flag displays supporting the National Front vastly outnumbered those of the opposition Alliance of Hope.

Still, there were murmurings of discontent. In a first, Malaysia’s navy chief reminded his sailors that the vote was secret so they should choose freely. In the final months of the campaign, Mr. Najib fell back on tried-and-true money politics. The day before the election, he promised that Malaysians 26 and younger would not have to pay income tax if his coalition prevailed. Earlier, he offered significant pay raises to civil servants, who are mostly ethnically Malay rather than from Malaysia’s Chinese or Indian minorities. That has always been his style: When faced with difficulties, throw goodies at them,” said Oh Ei Sun, an analyst based in Kuala Lumpur and a former political secretary to Mr. Najib.

Other tactics were more iron-fisted. Shortly before campaigning began, Mr. Najib’s party pushed through a so-called fake news law that was the first in the world to use Mr. Trump’s rejoinder as it criminalized publishing or circulating misleading information. The law, critics feared, could land anyone who criticized Mr. Najib in prison for up to six years. His government also designed a broad gerrymandering scheme that diminished the impact of minorities who were unlikely to vote for him. None of these efforts worked. “The Najib brand is toxic,” said Mr. Chin of the University of Tasmania. “There was no way he could run away from this.”

Najib’s Downfall

In early 2018, according to the New York Times, Najib's political machine appeared so indestructible that the 1MDB scandal seemed unlikely to derail it. However, the end came quickly and completely, shocking even his opponents. For nearly a decade, Mr. Najib, 64, had unfettered control of his nation’s courts and coffers. His party had thrived by consistently delivering huge cash handouts at election time. The media was at his disposal, and he shut down journalists he didn’t like. Political foes were thrown in prison. [Source: Hannah Beech, Richard C. Paddock, and Alexandra Stevenson. The New York Times. May 15, 2018]

However, his authority suddenly evaporated in the early hours of May 9 after Malaysia’s national elections delivered a commanding majority to the opposition, which is now led by Mahathir Mohamad, the 92-year-old political titan who had once lifted Najib to power. The fractious opposition was galvanized by a single purpose: ousting Mr. Najib. The electorate was furious at his excesses, and social media emboldened them even as news outlets were muzzled.

The accusations surrounding 1MDB were a major source of social media outrage in Malaysia, often shared on private WhatsApp groups, but Najib still seemed to underestimate how much he had lost: the public that valued some measure of moderation, his once-unshakable Malay power base, and even members of his own family. Najib’s stepdaughter, Azrene Ahmad, took to Instagram with an emotional condemnation of him and her mother, Rosmah Mansor, who had become widely known for amassing designer labels, garlands of jewelry, and a multimillion-dollar handbag collection that rivaled the shoe fetish of Imelda Marcos, the former first lady of the Philippines.

“Today marks the end of a tyrannical era that many have prayed for,” wrote Ms. Azrene, describing how she had “witnessed the many deals and handshakes these two made to fuel their appetite for power and greed...The numerous offshore accounts opened to launder money out of the country for their personal spending. "The steel safes full of jewels, precious stones, and cash amassed. They made me a cash mule." Najib’s brother, Nazir Razak, joined in, implicitly casting his brother’s ouster as a chance for progress. "Malaysia needs major recalibration, but all attempts under the old order failed," he wrote on social media. "Now you can!" Even the state-linked news media, which spent years writing fawning articles about Mr. Najib’s wisdom and Ms. Rosmah’s charitable endeavors, stopped using the multiple honorifics that once preceded his name.

Soon after, Mr. Najib's attempt to leave for Indonesia with his wife was foiled by a travel blacklist. After Mahathir was sworn in as prime minister, he called Najib a thief and said he must face the consequences of his actions. “High or low, all are subject to the law,” said Mahathir. At that time Najib and Rosmah remained secluded in their Kuala Lumpur mansion. A bodyguard at their home,said the steady stream of confidants who once visited them had stopped. Even their housekeeper had deserted them, he said.

Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons

Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Foreign Policy, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various books, websites and other publications.

Last updated January 2026