POLICE IN PAKISTAN
Police officers per 100,000 people: 186 (compared to in 1068 in Brunei, 284 in the United States and 38 in Mali) [Source: Wikipedia ]
Provincial governments are charged with police administration in their respective jurisdictions, and provincial police forces operate independently. The federal government is largely uninvolved in provincial police administration but controls police in federally administered and tribal areas. The federal minister of interior supervises police nationwide, and the Police Service of Pakistan (PSP) selects, trains, and assigns senior officers to provincial or central government agencies. [Source: Library of Congress, February 2005 **]
Although service in the PSP is competitive and well paid, lowerranking police personnel often have far lower education, skills, and motivation. Police often are accused of routine extortion, violating civil liberties, and acting to preserve the tenure of government officials rather than the rule of law. The quantity of overall crime and various types of crime (such as murder and banditry) increased steadily from 1992 to 2003, and the extensive availability and use of automatic weapons in Pakistani society is often referred to as the “Kalashnikov Culture.” Furthermore, the population generally does not perceive the police to be effective against crime or publicly accountable. **
Under the constitution, criminal law and procedure are listed as subjects that are the concurrent responsibility of the central and provincial governments. The federal government, however, has extensive power to assert its primacy, especially in any matter relating to national security. The police forces of the four provinces are independent, and there is no nationwide integration; nevertheless, the federal minister of the interior provides overall supervision. [Source: Peter Blood, Library of Congress, 1994]
History of the Police in Pakistan
Before independence, the security forces of British India were primarily concerned with the maintenance of law and order but were also called on to perform duties in support of the political interests of the government. The duties of the police officer in a formal sense were those of police the world over: executing orders and warrants; collecting and communicating upward intelligence concerning public order; preventing crime; and detecting, apprehending, and arresting criminals. These duties were specified in Article 23 of the Indian Police Act of 1861, which (together with revisions dating from 1888 and the Police Rules of 1934), is still the basic document for police activity in Pakistan. [Source: Peter Blood, Library of Congress, 1994 *]
The overall organization of the police forces remained much the same after partition. Except for centrally administered territories and tribal territories in the north and northwest, basic law and order responsibilities have been carried out by the four provincial governments. The central government has controlled a series of specialized police agencies, including the Federal Investigative Agency, railroad and airport police forces, an anticorruption task force, and various paramilitary organizations such as the Rangers, constabulary forces, and the Frontier Corps. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto established the Federal Security Force and gave it wide-ranging powers, but the force was abolished when the military regime of Zia ul-Haq seized power in 1977.*
Independence had little impact on the police forces, which, like the military, simply switched their allegiance from the British to a new, indigenous regime. The great mass of police work remained the same, and the political role of the police in supporting the British soon found a parallel in independent Pakistan, as the regime was itself beset by political disturbances and extended the definition of crime to include such antistate activities as terrorism and subversion. Even though the forces of law and order had become the instruments of an indigenous government, any significant advantages that had accrued from the changeover have largely been dissipated. *
Public attitudes toward the police, historically regarded with distrust and fear, have not changed; indeed, the police are held in low esteem. In British times, the Indian Police Service — the predecessor of the PSP — was nearly incorruptible and was fairly immune from political pressure that did not emanate from London. Since independence, however, politicization of the police has become increasingly pervasive. Corruption in the lower ranks has proliferated and permeated the PSP; in the frequent periods when Pakistan was under oppressive rule, the police were as repressive as they were in British times.*
Organization and Structure of the Police Force in Pakistan
Senior positions in the police are filled from the Police Service of Pakistan (PSP). The Police Service of Pakistan is not an operational body; rather, it is a career service similar to the Civil Service of Pakistan, from which officers are assigned to the provincial services or, on rotation, to central government agencies where their skills are needed. Recruitment to the PSP is through an annual national examination that is common for several centrally recruited services, including the civil service and the foreign and the customs services. Because the PSP is a relatively well-paid and powerful service, it attracts students who rank highest in the selection process. Successful candidates receive two years of training at the Police Training College in Sihala, near Islamabad, and are then assigned to duty with one of the provincial forces. [Source: Peter Blood, Library of Congress, 1994 *]
The PSP is overwhelmingly male in composition, but the October 1993 return of Benazir Bhutto to power may introduce some bold changes. In January 1994, Benazir announced the opening of Pakistan's first all-female police station. About fifty female officers of the Rawalapindi police station will supplement Punjab's provincial police force of 85,000 men. As part of her campaign for equal rights for women, Benazir also promised to place women in 10 percent of top police posts, to appoint women to the Supreme Court, and to establish special courts for cases against women.*
The senior officer ranks in the police service are the inspector general, who heads a provincial police force, and a deputy inspector general, who directs the work of a division or "range," which coordinates police work within various parts of a province. There are also assistant inspectors general in each province. The principal focus of police activity is at the district level, which is headed by a superintendent, and the subdistrict level, usually under the direction of an assistant or deputy superintendent. The latter is not necessarily drawn from the Police Service of Pakistan. At each level, police officials report to the political or civil service heads of the respective administrative level; the inspectors general, however, have direct links to the federal Ministry of Interior. Larger municipalities have their own police forces, but these are responsible to the provincial structure of police authority.*
The great majority of police personnel are assigned to subdistricts and police stations and are not at the officer level. Their ranks are inspector, sergeant, subinspector, assistant subinspector, head constable, and constable. As one descends the rank hierarchy, education levels, skills, and motivation decrease precipitously — even dramatically at the lower levels. Although constables are supposed to have a modest amount of education, they are paid only the wages of an unskilled laborer (about US$40 per month), and a head constable — the height of aspiration for many policemen — is paid only at the level of a semiskilled worker.*
Police Tactics and Weapons in Pakistan
Common tactics of the Pakistani police are 1) to detain relatives of a suspect and hope that the suspect turns himself in return for winning the release of the relatives; 2) detain relatives of the suspect in hope that the suspect confesses to win the release of the relatives. In most cases only male relatives are locked up but in some cases women ate locked up as well.
Police in Pakistan are generally unarmed. For crowd control, police are trained to use a lathi, a five-foot wooden staff that may be weighted. Lathi are used either to hold crowds back or as clubs. Tear gas and firearms are available, and police formations hunting down armed bands of robbers, or dacoits, have adequate firepower available. Soldiers and police that are armed carry Kalashnikovs, sawed-off shotguns, Mausers, MP5 machine guns and Uzis. Instead of lathis, some carry 3½-foot bamboo canes. The bamboo canes are very effective at beating back crowds.
In an effort to control terrorism, laws were passed in August, 1997 that gave police broad powers to arrest people suspected of terrorism and even gave police the right to shoot in some cases. The government also banned people from riding on the backs of motorcycle, a favorite firing platform for assassins and drive-by shooters.
Profiling is often used in the hunt for terrorists and militants. Raza Wazir wrote in New York Times: “My Pashtun ethnic origin, my being from Waziristan, would turn me into a target for racial profiling. The prejudice and suspicion against ethnic Pashtuns like me intensified after the tribal areas became the base for the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, whose bombing campaign killed hundreds in Pakistan’s cities.One night several policemen barged into my dorm room, which I shared with three other students, ethnic Punjabis. After the policemen looked at our identity cards, they took me aside and rifled through my books and my belongings for incriminating evidence.
Police in Karachi
“Karachi’s police force is too small and outgunned by the city’s gangs, Sharfuddin Memon, an adviser to the provincial home minister, who oversees security, told the Washington Post. According to the Post: Memon also said police are not “a totally independent force” — they, too, are aligned with political parties, partly out of fear. The MQM — a political party — has often been at the center of violence involving the Muhajirs. The group takes on all comers: battling with other ethic groups, the police and the military. Much of the MQM violence in the late 1990s involved shootouts between the MQM and a breakaway faction known as Jaqiqi — "the original." According to human rights groups, the government helped form the Haqiqi to harass and weaken the MQM. [Source: Karin Brulliard, Washington Post, July 18, 2011]
Drug enforcement is the job of the Anti-Narcotics Force, a largely military operation. The police are only nuisance, often only interested in collecting bribes. "You can drop your pants in a police station and shoot up, and no one would care," an addict in Karachi told the New York Times in 2000. Some policemen are addicts.
Michael Georgy of Reuters wrote: “Containing the threat will require pouring resources into law enforcement agencies so they can improve intelligence gathering and disrupt kidnappings and extortion, which fund militants. The authorities really need to invest heavily in the security agencies, build their capacity, and sensitize them to the new levels of threat,” said security analyst Imtiaz Gul. “This is an imperative.” [Source: Michael Georgy, Reuters, November 29, 2010]
“But far from investing big, even the basics are lacking. There isn’t a single police security camera in Karachi, home to about 18 million, according to Memon, who launched a hotline for complaints about crime, and police abuses. Generating cash to boost the fight against militancy is unlikely soon. Pakistan is being kept afloat by an US$11 billion International Monetary Fund loan agreed in 2008.
“Meanwhile, the government’s failure to ease poverty and create jobs is driving disgruntled young men to join the jihadis. At Karachi’s Jamia Binoria madrassa, young boys rock back and forth as they memorise the Quran. Spokesman Saifullah Rabbani says students are taught Islam is a religion of peace. But he is quick to predict what will happen if they don’t find opportunities after graduation.
“If there is poverty and unemployment, these people will not join the MQM. They will not join the ANP. They will not join the Pakistan People’s Party. They will certainly go toward the Taliban,” he said.
Dislike of the Police in Pakistan
Many Pakistanis dislike the police, blaming them for being corrupt and aggressive Pakistani police had a reputation of ruthlessness and brutality when it comes to cracking down on perceived terrorists but often seem unwilling to do anything to help ordinary citizens. According to one study hundreds of police recruits in the Punjab had criminal records.
Some people complain that when a shooting take place near some police, the police usually seem more interested in drinking their tea than giving chase. Zia Awan, a prominent lawyer and human rights activist, told Associated Press, Pakistanis who commit violence against women are often acquitted or handed light sentences because of poor police work and faulty prosecutions. "Either the family does not pursue such cases or police don't properly investigate. As a result, the courts either award light sentences to the attackers, or they are acquitted," he said. [Source: Associated Press, May 28, 2014]
A government official told The Guardian: “It is government that is run by tribal lords and elites. And local police or administration refrain from making arrests in “honor” related cases. This happens in most rural areas of Pakistan.”
Torture and Harsh Tactics by Pakistani Police
The torture of inmates and suspects at police stations is common in Pakistan, but no official was punished in 2004-05 for such abuse, according to a 2005 report by the independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. [Source: Associated Press, June 26, 2005]
Police tactics in British India were never gentle, but in contemporary Pakistan, according to the Herald, a magazine published in Karachi, "The police have institutionalized torture to a point where it is viewed as the primary method of crime detention. Police torture has become so commonplace that it has slowly lost the capacity to shock and disgust." These charges were echoed by Amnesty International's especially bleak appraisal of Pakistan's human rights situation in its June 1992 "International News Release" report. [Source: Peter Blood, Library of Congress, 1994 *]
The report, reflecting the law and order breakdown in Sindh and the government's reaction to it, stated that government opponents often are harassed, placed under arrest, and detained for unspecified periods of time. Scores of prisoners of conscience have been held for their political activities or religious beliefs. The practice of repeatedly bringing false charges against members of the political opposition is a widely used tactic in Pakistani politics and has been used to arrest thousands of opposition party activists. According to the United States State Department's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1993, there were no significant efforts in 1992 or 1993 to reform either the police or the judicial system, and authorities continued to be lax in their prosecution of abuses in these areas. Pakistani and international human rights organizations have demanded that steps be taken to reverse the trend by bringing torturers to justice and by taking such procedural steps as reducing the time prisoners spend in places of first arrest, where most torture takes place.*
Torture is a particularly acute problem in cases in which the suspect is thought to have committed a political crime, but it is not uncommon in serious criminal cases. General police brutality in handling all suspects is routine. Police frequently act without warrants or other proper authorization, and individuals disappear into the criminal justice process for weeks before they can be found and, through writs of habeas corpus, be brought into regular judicial channels. Rape of prisoners, both male and female, is common. Prisoners often die in detention but are reported as killed in the course of armed encounters. Police also are alleged to extort money from families of prisoners under threat of ill treatment. The performance of the police and their failure to act against political groups that run their own torture machinery are especially bad in Sindh, but there is no Pakistani who looks on an encounter with the police with equanimity.*
Amnesty International and other human rights groups welcomed the establishment in 1993 of a Human Rights Commission by the interim government of Moeen Qureshi and recommended to his successor, Benazir Bhutto, that the new government investigate past torture cases and enforce safeguards against the use of torture. Despite continued trouble in Sindh, observers have discerned what appears to be a genuine interest by the current government in addressing some of the more egregious human rights problems endemic in Pakistan today.*
Police in Pakistan Sew Man's Lips Shut
In June 2005, police were fired after allegation that they sewed man's lips shut. Associated Press reported from Multan in the Punjab: Seven Pakistani police officers have been fired after media reports that they sewed shut a prisoner’s lips to stop him from shouting insults at them, an official said on Saturday. A deputy inspector-general of police, Malik Mohammed Iqbal, said he fired the officers after receiving a report about the alleged incident Thursday at a lockup in Vehari town, about 60 miles east of the city of Multan.However, Iqbal said it was “yet to be determined who actually sewed the lips of the prisoner,” whom he identified as Mohammed Hussain. [Source: Associated Press, June 26, 2005]
“Iqbal said the inmate “initially accused police of torturing him and sewing his lips” but later “changed his statement and said he sewed up his lips with his own hand.” “This is a sensitive matter, and we will do justice with him (Hussain) if police were found guilty of torturing him,” Iqbal said. He said officers will submit a final report about the incident to him within the next several days.
“Pakistan’s largest-circulation English-language newspaper, The News, reported that police sewed Hussain’s lips when he “protested the police torture and used filthy language against the policemen who were torturing him.” Also Saturday, Ifat Pasha, a doctor who treated the prisoner, said he saw four stitches on the man’s lips. “I think somebody did this thing to him,” the doctor said.
“Rashid Rahman, the head of commission’s chapter in Multan, said members planned to meet with Hussain as well as police, jail and health officials to determine why the alleged incident took place. “Police routinely beat suspected criminals, and many of them are held in illegal custody, but what happened with Mohammed Hussain is more shocking, and such incidents are rare in the country,” he said. Rahman has urged the government to appoint a judge to probe the case, saying he fears police could force Hussain to withdraw his allegations.
Complaints by Minorities of Mistreatment by Police in Pakistan
Christians and Hindus each make up between one and two percent of the population of Pakistan. Christian advocacy organizations and media outlets have stated that Christians have been tortured or mistreated by police, resulting in the death. Complaints to the police or courts by Hindus abused or harassed by Muslims are routinely ignored, community leaders said. "Because we're Hindus and a minority, they think we'll just take it," a Hindu in Karachi told the Los Angeles Times. "And no one comes to our aid. We're increasingly vulnerable." [Source: Mark Magnier, Los Angeles Times, July 25, 2011; International Religious Freedom Report for 2019, United States Department of State, Office of International Religious Freedom]
Mark Magnier, Los Angeles Times wrote in the Los Angeles Times: “At the heart of the problem, Hindu community leaders say, is a lack of will on the part of police and courts. "When someone gets kidnapped, Hindus lodge kidnapping charges, but authorities don't respond," said Ramesh Kumar Vankwani, a leader of the Pakistan Hindu Council. "After 20 days, the kidnapper and his people pressure the girl and say, 'If you don't accept Islam and give wrong answers in court, you know what will happen.' That's coercion."
In an article about hijras (transgender people), Anthony Lloyd wrote in The Times: “The police and male college students were among the Peshawar hijras’ greatest fears. Noor said that she had been beaten numerous times by both. “I don’t want anything from the Supreme Court except for it to keep the police and college boys away. They come in here, throw us on the floor, take our make-up kits, chuck our things around and beat us if we don’t dance for them.” As if on cue, two leering policemen stuck their heads through the door. [Source: Anthony Lloyd, Peshawar, The Times, March 6 2010]
“Transgender people are often treated as sex objects and often become the victims of violent assault. Many transgenders can’t even file police reports because they don’t have identification, and when they go to police stations they are teased ridiculed.” When a law was passed allowing transgender to get Ids things improved. Almas Bobby, 40 in 2012, a leader of the transgender community Rawalpindi and the first to receive an ID card with the “third sex” designation told the Washington Post: “Police used to beat us and take money from us. It was painful for us. Now we go to the police station, and they respect us and they are afraid of us. They take our cases first. Now they feel we have rights.”
Pakistani Police Help Track Down Child Traffickers
But not everything the police do is bad. In a case involving a child kidnapped for child labor, Asif Chaudhry, Dawn, August 2, 2016]“Mohammad had few options. He didn’t simply have the resources to meet the demand; so he went to the police. “After seeking permission from the police high command, we traced the caller. We learned that the caller was frequently changing locations,” says Abid Bhatti, who is in charge of the investigation section at the Mughalpura police station. “Finally, helped by evidence gathered, a night raid was planned. A police team went knocking at the doors of a house in Badami Bagh and arrested two men, Mohammad Aslam and Nasir Shah, who used to supply young boys for labour.” The police say that they also recovered from the place three kidnapped boys the criminals were planning to hand over to other parties the next morning. [Source: Asif Chaudhry, Dawn, August 2, 2016]
“According to the police, during interrogation Aslam revealed that he had sold Khalil to a factory owner from Mandi Bahauddin. He said he had been working for many people in various districts, providing them with boys aged between some 10 and 15 years as “cheap labour”. As per the police inquiries, these men initially used to abduct runaway boys from the Lahore railway station, Data Darbar, Badami Bagh and Minar-i-Pakistan. However, as the demand for manpower increased, they turned to kidnapping. “During the past two years, they abducted and supplied over 50 children from various parts of the city,” says the police officer.
The police say they recovered 30 captives, including six children, from the Mandi Bahauddin factory. “Khalil was also there,” says officer Abid, adding that such a network of criminals and modus operandi has been unearthed for the first time. The police team also arrested the owner of the factory, Nasir Jutt.
Police Corruption in Pakistan
When journalist Jeff Stein asked a Pakistani man why he didn't go to police when an water company clerk extorted a US$75 bribe, the Pakistani said, "Police? Police? You can kill someone here, and all you do is go to the station, maybe pay half a million rupees and get off. Easy as that. The police are not interested in my water bill. All the police would want is more money to put the bill back down."
When Pakistanis see a road block they often zoom right by, knowing the police are only trying to extract a bribe. After doing just that Stein's friend said, "Only highway police have authority to stop use. These other guys, local police, different color uniform, bad guys. Boss sends them out to collect bribe. They come back with money, he take some and they keep the rest."
When asked why he didn't call the police to seek help against thugs that were extorting money, a shop owner told the Los Angeles Times, "If I call the police, they will just come here in her and demand money."
In the early 2000s, policemen in Pakistan only earn about US$85 a month. Some have to care for extended families as well as their own children. Bribes in their view are necessary to survive and difficult to turn down.
Poor Police Action on Domestic Violence in Pakistan
According to the representative of the HRCP, it is "very difficult" to lodge a complaint at a police station because police officers do not take domestic violence victims seriously, and, in the view of the representative, police believe that husbands have the right to beat their wives . Country Reports 2011 states that "abused women usually were returned to their abusive family members". [Source: Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, January 14, 2013]
“The AHRC reports that women have to deal with "corrupt" police and other justice officers who do not carry out their duties in an "ethical manner," adding that police accept bribes from suspected perpetrators to discourage victims from reporting . Sources report on victims being pressured by police to drop charges. Country Reports 2011 indicates that some police officers demanded bribes from victims before registering rape cases.
“Sources indicate that sometimes police do not intervene in cases of domestic violence, as they consider this to be a private family matter. The WEWA stated that there is no procedure in place for registering First Information Reports (FIRs) for domestic violence cases. Sources indicate that police are reluctant to register complaints and the AHRC indicates that police "mis-record statements" . Other sources have labelled investigations as "faulty," "intentionally carried out with feebleness", and "sometimes superficial". According to the AHRC, perpetrators rarely receive punishments because police are not effective .
“Sources indicate that police officers try to encourage settlement or reconciliation between the victim and the perpetrator. Country Reports 2011 indicated that "instead of filing charges, police typically responded by encouraging the parties to reconcile" . The AHRC indicates that some victims are "invited" to withdraw complaints through settlement offers.
Sources say that the judicial system in Pakistan is biased against women. The AHRC indicates that courts are made up mostly of men, and that judges often make decisions based on Sharia law. According to the representative of the HRCP, it is "very hard" to get a perpetrator of domestic violence convicted . Plus News Pakistan reports that, according to a station house officer, although the women's police stations are committed to handling cases of violence against women, "major challenges" lie in the courts . [Source: Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, January 14, 2013]
“According to the AHRC, women who take cases of violence to the judicial system are "more likely to find further abuse and victimization" . The AHRC indicates that in a rape case, the victim herself may be prosecuted, and the sexual history of the victim will be "thrown around" in court . The Secretary General of WEWA indicates that most domestic violence cases are withdrawn due to threats or family pressure .
Women's Police Stations
Sources note the existence of women's police stations that are staffed by female police officers. Country Reports 2011 states that these stations were created to address the stigma attached to reporting gender-based violence, and to provide a safe place for women to report complaints and file charges. Country Reports 2011 also indicates that men can also seek the services of women's police stations. [Source: Canada: Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada, January 14, 2013]
“Sources differ on the number of women's police stations in Pakistan, varying from 9, to 12 , to 19. The Associated Press of Pakistan (APP) reports that women's police stations have been established in Karachi, Larkana, Hyderabad, Peshawar, Abbottabad, Islamabad, Lahore, Rawalpindi and Faisalabad, while County Reports 2011 indicates that there are three women's police stations in Karachi, and one each in Larkana, Hyderabad, Sukkur, Lahore, Faisalabad, Rawalpindi, Peshawar, Abbottabad, Quetta, and the Islamabad Capital Territory in Islamabad City . According to Plus News Pakistan, there are seven women's police stations in Gilgit-Baltistan, while in Balochistan there is a reporting centre but no women's police stations.
“The Punjab police indicate that "full-fledged women police stations" exist in Lahore, Rawalpindi, and Faisalabad. The Punjab police indicate that these stations help female victims of crime and domestic violence, and provide legal advice and counselling to women. The Capital City Police Lahore indicate that the women's police station in Lahore was established in 1995. The Capital City Police Lahore also indicate that, although female officers are authorized to register and investigate cases in the women's police station, female police officers are not active investigation officers in police stations outside of the women's police station.
“The Islamabad Capital Territory Police indicate that they inaugurated their women's police station in 1994. They also indicate that this police station conducts all police work, but that it is the only station with female staff. According to the Islamabad Capital Territory Police, the women's police station is successful in handing cases "concerning female felons". The Islamabad Capital Territory Police state that women's police stations have been created to avoid the misbehaviour of male police officers towards female prisoners, and that Pakistani women are joining the police force to protect women from the violence and harassment that they face in police stations.
“The Lahore police indicate that there are women complaint centres in Gulberg, Muslim Town, Lower Mall, and Race Course Road, all of which are staffed with female police officers. APP reports that ladies complaint units have been set up in two police stations in Islamabad. The Sindh government indicated on its website plans for the fiscal year 2010-11 to create women complaint cells in Karachi, Sukkur, Larkana, Hyderabad, and Shaheed Benazirabad. These complaint cells were being set up for the "appropriate and timely disposal of complaints and speedy access to justice" and to provide medical and legal aid. The Sindh Minister of Women Development was reported in February 2012 as saying that five centres had been set up. Further information on women complaint centres in Sindh could not be found among the sources consulted by the Research Directorate within the time constraints of this Response.
Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons
Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress, Pakistan Tourism Development Corporation (tourism.gov.pk), Official Gateway to the Government of Pakistan (pakistan.gov.pk), The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Reuters, Associated Press, AFP, Wikipedia and various books, websites and other publications.
Last updated February 2022