CLASSICAL KOREAN LITERATURE

CLASSICAL KOREAN LITERATURE

Korean literature, the body of works written by Koreans, at first in Classical Chinese, later in various transcription systems using Chinese characters, and finally in Hangul, the national alphabet. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee, Britannica.com]

Although Korea has had its own language for several thousand years, it has had a writing system only since the mid-15th century, when Hangul was invented. As a result, early literary activity was in Chinese characters.Korean scholars were writing poetry in the traditional manner of Classical Chinese at least by the 4th century ce. A national academy was established shortly after the founding of the Unified Silla dynasty (668–935), and, from the time of the institution of civil service examinations in the mid-10th century until their abolition in 1894, every educated Korean read the Confucian Classics and Chinese histories and literature. The Korean upper classes were therefore bilingual in a special sense: they spoke Korean but wrote in Chinese.

By the 7th century a system, called idu, had been devised that allowed Koreans to make rough transliterations of Chinese texts. Eventually, certain Chinese characters were used for their phonetic value to represent Korean particles of speech and inflectional endings. A more extended system of transcription, called hyangch’al, followed shortly thereafter, in which entire sentences in Korean could be written in Chinese. In another system, kugyol, abridged versions of Chinese characters were used to denote grammatical elements and were inserted into texts during transcription. Extant literary works indicate, however, that before the 20th century much of Korean literature was written in Chinese rather than in Korean, even after the invention of Hangul.

Language, Literature and Historical Sources in Ancient Korea

The Three Kingdoms (57 B.C. - A.D. 668) utilized Chinese as their official literary language. According to Britannica.com: “This state-sanctioned use of Chinese, along with the adoption of Confucianism and Buddhism, meant a significant transition in the history of Korean literature. Such books as the Yugi (“Extant Records”), Shinjip (“New Compilation”), Sogi (“Documentary Records”), and Kuksa (“National History”), all collections of historical records, were compiled in Chinese. They represented an attempt to consolidate the political structures of these kingdoms. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee,Britannica.com]

“The carving of monumental inscriptions, such as those at the grave of King Kwanggaet’o (who reigned in Koguryo in 391–412) and those that record the travels of King Chinhung (who reigned in Silla in 540–576), served a similar purpose. Together they helped to usher Korean literature, which had previously relied on oral transmission, into an age of both oral and written literature. Confucianism and Buddhism contributed to the thematic depth of Korean literature. A cavalier quatrain sent by the Koguryo military commander Ulchi Mundok to an enemy and a panegyric by Queen Chindok of Silla are among representative works of poetry from this period.

“Most important, hyangch’al, a writing system that used Chinese characters to represent spoken Korean, originated in Silla, where hyangga (“native songs”) also first appeared. Such developments reflect the fact that Silla led the other two kingdoms both artistically and politically (the latter demonstrated by Silla’s spearheading the subsequent unification of Korea). In Koguryo and Paekche there may have been songs and a system of transcription corresponding to the hyangga and hyangch’al of Silla, but they have proved difficult to trace.”

Ancient Literature in Korea

Donald N. Clark wrote in “Culture and Customs of Korea”: “The earliest form of literature in Korea was probably a type of ritual poem or song that was used in worship, and probably was related to ritual dance and music. The absence of a writing system meant that these expressions were passed down the generations in oral form and there is no way to recover them. Koreans started writing with Chinese characters sometime in the early Three Kingdoms era, probably in the first or second century A.D. when Chinese influence came through Lolang, a Chinese colony that existed in northwestern Korea between 108 B.C. and A.D. 313. Though they spoke to each other in their own Korean language, they wrote things down in Chinese. Mastery of written Chinese was an expensive luxury and helped draw a line between educated Koreans, who were an elite minority, and the masses, who remained illiterate. An attempt to adapt Chinese characters to the Korean language was made during the Silla period, when the idu system was created. The idu system used certain Chinese characters possessing the range of Korean sounds to write things in Korean pronunciation. This made it possible to write down Korean words and expressions, though literacy remained an asset exclusively for the upper class. [Source: “Culture and Customs of Korea” by Donald N. Clark, Greenwood Press, 2000]

According to Britannica.com: “The origins of Korean literature can be traced back to an Old Stone Age art form that combined dance, music, and literature. Originating in festival activities, this art form served the political function of unifying society, the religious function of identifying and describing a supernatural power capable of averting calamity on earth, and the economic function of inspiring productive activity, especially that related to agriculture. The farming and work songs and the early forms of myth and narrative poetry that had their basis in the abundant harvests of the New Stone Age were probably transmitted orally; it is difficult to find examples that have survived intact. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee, Britannica.com]

During the Bronze Age the foundation myths and early epics of the Korean people first coalesced. The foundation legend of Old Choson, the state that dominated the Korean peninsula in ancient times, is centred on Tangun, the mythological first king of the Koreans, who was born of Hwanung (who had descended from the heavens) and Ungnyo (who had been transformed from a bear). The legends that explain the origins of the kingdoms that came to dominate the Korean peninsula include those about Koguryo and Puyo, in which their royal ancestor Chumong is born of Haemosu and Yuhwa, as well as those about Silla and Kaya. All these legends praise the achievements of their protagonists, who are exalted as nation-founding heroes who have overcome hardship, and glorify their heavenly powers as earthly rulers. For the most part, these legends were passed down in the form of festival ceremonial observances focused on the worship of heaven.

Also important in early Korean literature were songs, the earliest of which reflected a historical period in which much was changing. “"Hwangjo ka"” (17 bce; “Orioles’ Song”), composed in Chinese, is a well-known example. “"Hwangjo ka,"” which is thought to be the first lyric poem in Korean literature, evokes the personal loneliness of the unfortunate Koguryo king Yuri.

Language, Literature and Historical Sources in the Three Kingdoms Period

The Three Kingdoms (57 B.C. - A.D. 668) utilized Chinese as their official literary language. According to Britannica.com: “This state-sanctioned use of Chinese, along with the adoption of Confucianism and Buddhism, meant a significant transition in the history of Korean literature. Such books as the Yugi (“Extant Records”), Shinjip (“New Compilation”), Sogi (“Documentary Records”), and Kuksa (“National History”), all collections of historical records, were compiled in Chinese. They represented an attempt to consolidate the political structures of these kingdoms. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee,Britannica.com]

“The carving of monumental inscriptions, such as those at the grave of King Kwanggaet’o (who reigned in Koguryo in 391–412) and those that record the travels of King Chinhung (who reigned in Silla in 540–576), served a similar purpose. Together they helped to usher Korean literature, which had previously relied on oral transmission, into an age of both oral and written literature. Confucianism and Buddhism contributed to the thematic depth of Korean literature. A cavalier quatrain sent by the Koguryo military commander Ulchi Mundok to an enemy and a panegyric by Queen Chindok of Silla are among representative works of poetry from this period.

“Records indicate the existence of such Koguryo songs as “"Naewonsong ka"” (“Song of Naewon Fortress”), “"Yonyang ka"” (“Song of Yonyang”), and “"Myongju ka"” (“Song of Myongju”) during the Three Kingdoms period, though only their titles have survived. Other songs, such as “"Tosol ka"” (“Dedication”), which is known to date from the third decade of the 1st century ce, were composed and sung in Silla. Songs about nature, such as “"Sonunsan"” (“Sonun Mountain”), “"Mudungsan"” (“Mudung Mountain”), “"Pangdungsan"” (“Pangdung Mountain”), and “"Chirisan"” (“Chiri Mountain”), were popular in Paekche. Most important, hyangch’al, a writing system that used Chinese characters to represent spoken Korean, originated in Silla, where hyangga (“native songs”; see above Poetry) also first appeared. Such developments reflect the fact that Silla led the other two kingdoms both artistically and politically (the latter demonstrated by Silla’s spearheading the subsequent unification of Korea). In Koguryo and Paekche there may have been songs and a system of transcription corresponding to the hyangga and hyangch’al of Silla, but they have proved difficult to trace.”

Silla Literature

According to Britannica.com: After the unification of the Three Kingdoms in 668 under the Unified Silla dynasty, Korean literature in Chinese underwent a fundamental development in which a group of literati played several roles. Asserting the significance of Confucianism and literature, they instituted a social class of literati leaders. Of this group, Sol Ch’ong was the author of “"Hwawanggye"” (“Admonition to the King of Flowers”), in which he personifies flowers in order to satirize the king. Another member of the group, Ch’oe Ch’i-Won, who had studied in Tang China and passed the civil service examination there, contributed greatly to the development of Korean literature in Chinese. He was renowned for his poetry and his prose. Noteworthy legends that developed during this time include such tales as “"Tomi solhwa"” (“Tale of Tomi”), about a woman who undergoes a gruesome ordeal at the hands of a tyrannical king, and “"Chigwi solhwa"” (“Tale of Chigwi”), about a man who, after having fallen in love with a queen, dies and turns into a ghost. In their depiction of human protagonists, these tales differ from older legends, which instead recount the heroic struggles and accomplishments of mythical figures. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee, Britannica.com]

Hyangga, dating from the middle period of the Unified Silla dynasty to the early period of the Koryo dynasty (935–1392), is the oldest poetic form found in Korea. Hyangga were oral Korean-language poems that were later written down using hyangch’al, a form in which Chinese characters were used for both their meaning and sound values in order to represent the very different structure of Korean. The poems were written in four, eight, or 10 lines; the 10-line form—comprising two four-line stanzas and a concluding two-line stanza—was the most popular. The poets were either Buddhist monks or members of the Hwarangdo, a school in which chivalrous youth were trained in civil and military virtues in preparation for state service. Seventeen of the 25 extant hyangga are Buddhist in inspiration and content. Only fourteen hyangga from the Silla era survive.

▪"Song for a Dead Sister," by Wolmyong dates from the eighth century and is drawn from the Samguk yusa (“Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms”) — a chief source for understanding the history and culture of this period — the Buddhist monk Wolmyong offers a song for his deceased sister in conjunction with a memorial ritual. The song both speaks of common aspects of human existence and gives a sense of the Pure Land Buddhism that was one of the important religious currents of late Silla. [Source: Asia for Educators Columbia University, Primary Sources with DBQs, afe.easia.columbia.edu ^^^ ]

"Song for a Dead Sister" goes:
You left
on the life.death road,
with no word
of farewell:
we are two leaves, torn
by early autumn winds
from a single tree,
scattered who knows where.
Let me abide in the Way, I pray
until we meet in the Western Paradise.
[Translated by Peter H. Lee]

If Silla hyangga (songs) were sometimes private and intimate in feel, like Wolmyong’s song for his dead sister, they could also be public and more explicitly political. The “Song for the Peace of the People,” or Anmin’ga, also drawn from the Samguk yusa, was composed by the monk Ch’ungdam at the behest of Silla King Kyongdok in the mid- 700s, shortly after the Silla Unification. It expresses a vision of what constitutes peaceful rule. By this point in Silla history, a National Academy to teach Confucian texts had been established, and many would argue that this hyangga expresses a worldview aligned with Confucian political thought.

“Song for the Peace of the People” hoes:
The king is father;
each minister is loving mother;
the people are foolish children —
thus the people come to know love.
The people live in grinding poverty;
feed them, guide them.
They won’t ever leave;
they will know the land is governed well.
When king, ministers, and people all do their part
the land knows a great peace.
[Source: “The Book of Korean Poetry: Songs of Shilla and Koryo,” translated and edited by Kevin O’Rourke (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2006) 17-18.

Early Koryo Literature

According to Britannica.com: Unified Silla eventually weakened, and, as power struggles among aristocrats of the Later Three Kingdoms—as Silla, Paekche, and Koguryo came to be known in the 9th and 10th centuries—intensified, myths and legends were revived in which figures credited with nation founding and other supernatural powers overcome ordeals and adversity. But these legends, like those of the Three Kingdoms period, differ from ancient ones in their incorporation of human protagonists. In a Koryo legend, for example, Wang Kon, the founder (in 935) of the Koryo dynasty, is the most important figure, although his forefathers are depicted as having mythical origins that extend back several generations. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee, Britannica.com]

The Koryo kingdom inherited Silla literature, and early Koryo works, like those of previous periods, embodied Buddhist and Confucian ideologies. But the literature of the early Koryo is sufficiently distinctive that it can be considered of a separate period. The early Koryo period was also a time during which literature in Chinese thrived and prospered while literature in hyangch’al faded, with the hyangga of Silla surviving only until the beginning of the 10th century. The monk Kyunyo wrote the last hyangga, “"Pohyon shibwon ka"” (“Ten Vows of Samantabhadra”). Works such as “"Toi changga"” (“Dirge for Two Great Generals”) by King Yejong, which memorializes Shin Sung-Gyom and Kim Nak, who were two subjects at the time of the founding of the Koryo kingdom, and “"Chong Kwa-Jong kok"” (“Song of Chong Kwa-Jong”), in which the exiled poet Chong So pines for the king Uijong, also provide a glimpse of the last vestiges of hyangga.

During the reign (929–975) of Kwangjong, the civil service system established by that king contributed greatly to the development of literature in Chinese by emphasizing authors’ comprehension of the Confucian canon and skill in poetic composition. The best among the literati of this period—Ch’oe Sung-No, Ch’oe Ch’ung, and Pak In-Nyang—composed excellent prose and poetry. Kim Pu-Shik strove to write in the classical mode and took as his model the Confucian canon. In contrast, Kim Hwang-Won and Chong Chi-Sang sought a literature that stressed beautiful fervent expression.

In the area of legend, several notable works were produced. During the reign of the 11th-century king Munjong, a former governor in Kumgwan region collected legends, histories, and folklore and published it as Karak kukki (“Records of the Karak State”). Sui chon (“Tales of the Extraordinary”), a collection from Silla times probably revised by Pak Il-Lyang, records many legends of the supernatural. Samguk sagi (1146; “History of the Three Kingdoms”), compiled by Kim Pu-Shik, departed from the practice of stressing supernatural legend over human history; Samguk sagi attempts to use the methods of what might be considered modern historiography in its efforts to establish a Confucian-based ideology of governance. Nevertheless, Samguk sagi uses legends as source material, and many legends are also included in the yolchon, or biography, section of this work.

Later Koryo Literature

According to Britannica.com: Even after the period of Koryo military rule, which lasted from the late 12th century to the mid-13th century, literature in Chinese continued to prosper. It revolved around Kim Kuk-Gi and the group known as Chungnim Kohoe (“Eminent Assembly in the Bamboo Grove”), which was established by O Se-Jae, Yi Il-Lo, Yi Kyu-Bo, and others. This group was integral to the emergence and proliferation of literary criticism during this period. Yi Il-Lo, in his P’ahan chip (1260; “Jottings to Break Up Idleness”), defends the value of literature and praises the beautifully chiseled sentence. Yi Kyu-Bo’s Paegun sosol (“Jottings by Old Man White Cloud”) contains a vigorous debate on literary theory and artistic creation. He counters Yi Il-Lo’s emphasis on beauty, declaring that content takes precedent over ornamentation in literature and that creativity is important above all else. Works such as Ch’oe Cha’s Pohan chip (“Collection to Relieve Idleness”), Ch’oe Hae’s Tongin chi mun (“Writings of the Eastern People”), and Yi Che-Hyon’s Yogong p’aesol (“Lowly Jottings by Old Man Oak”) illustrate the views on literature of the newly risen scholar-bureaucrats active in this period. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee, Britannica.com]

The creation of Buddhist literature, centred on Son (Zen) Buddhism, enlarged the sphere of later Koryo literature. It featured the writings of the monk Chinul as well as the monks Hyeshim, Ch’ungji, Kyonghan, Pou, and Hyegun.

Yi Kyu-Bo’s Tongmyong wangp’yon (“Saga of King Tongmyong”) re-created the founding of the Koguryo kingdom. Kakhun’s Haedong kosung chon (1215; “Lives of Eminent Korean Monks”) departs from the historiographical standards of the Samguk sagi but also shows a stronger awareness of the history of the ordinary citizen, something echoed in other works of the period. An epic poem, Yi Sung-Hyu’s Chewang ungi (1287; “Songs of Emperors and Kings”), contrasts the Korean people’s history with that of the Chinese.

Another feature of the later Koryo period is the considerable amount of literature in Chinese devoted to the chon, an account of a person’s life. Yi Saek, for instance, wrote accounts of individuals who never achieved public recognition for their accomplishments during their lifetimes, and Yi Kyu-Bo and Ch’oe Hae wrote t’akchon, accounts that praised the author himself but referred to him by a fictitious name. And a new form appeared, the kajon, or fictional biography, which treated objects as people and told their life stories. Works such as Im Ch’un’s Kongban chon (“Tale of Master Coin”) and Kuksun chon (“Tale of Master Malt”), Yi Kyu-Bo’s Kuk Sonsaeng chon (“Tale of Sir Malt”), Yi Kok’s Chuk Puin chon (“Tale of Madame Bamboo”), and Yi Ch’om’s Cho Saeng chon (“Tale of Yangban Paper”) relate their narratives via the device of personifying their title objects.

The sogak kasa, or popular song texts, introduced in the chapters on music in the Koryo sa (“History of Koryo”) and handed down in the Akchang kasa (“Collection of Courtly Songs”), are another late Koryo genre. These songs were sung at court. Among them are songs that deal with the traditions of the Three Kingdoms period, such as “"Chongup sa"” (“Song of Chongup”) and “"Ch’oyong ka"” (“Song of Ch’oyong”), but the majority are reworkings of folk songs. Well-known examples are “"Tongdong"” (“Ode on the Seasons”), a song of longing for the beloved sung at monthly observances; “"Kashiri"” (“Would You Now Leave Me?”), “"Isang kok"” (“Frost-Treading Song”), “"Manjon ch’unbyol sa"” (“Spring Overflows the Pavilion”), and “"Sogyong pyolgok"” (“Song of the Western Capital”), all of which take love between men and women as their subject, and “"Ch’ongsan pyolgok"” (“Green Mountain Song”), which describes the hopes of the wanderer and the despair of the intellectual. Apart from these, there are short songs referred to as tanjang—examples include “"Yugu kok"” (“Song of Pigeons”) and “"Sangjo ka"” (“Song of the Pestle”)—and long songs called yonjang. Soakpu (“Little Song Book”), compiled by Yi Che-Hyon and Min Sa-P’yong, consists of poems in Chinese similar in content to folk songs.

While members of the new class of scholar-bureaucrats were assuming positions of leadership in literature, the kyonggi-style poem first emerged in the form of songs boasting of the elegance of these men. “"Hallim pyolgok"” (“Song of the Confucian Academicians”), a joint composition of literati during the reign of Kojong (1213–59), was the first kyonggi-style poem. An Ch’uk wrote two others, “"Chukkye pyolgok"” (“Song of the Bamboo Stream”) and “"Kwandong pyolgok"” (“Song of Diamond Mountain”). These poems are in both Korean and Chinese, with Chinese words and phrases used to describe objects and locales and to express the authors’ pride and interest in literati society and in themselves as officials. Sijo and kasa, which would become the leading poetic genres in the Choson period, also originated at this time. “"Sungwon ka"” by the monk Hyegun, transcribed in hyangch’al, explains Buddhist doctrine and confirms the emergence of the kasa form at the end of Koryo period. The sijo, consisting of three lines, followed a lyrical path and spoke of human nature and natural beauty. Only a few examples, by such men as U T’ak and Yi Cho-Nyon, survive today.

Poetry in the Koryo Period

The oldest poetic form is the hyangga, poems transcribed in the hyangch’al system, dating from the middle period of the Unified Silla dynasty to the early period of the Koryo dynasty (935–1392). The poems were written in four, eight, or 10 lines; the 10-line form—comprising two four-line stanzas and a concluding two-line stanza—was the most popular. The poets were either Buddhist monks or members of the Hwarangdo, a school in which chivalrous youth were trained in civil and military virtues in preparation for state service. Seventeen of the 25 extant hyangga are Buddhist in inspiration and content.

The pyolgok, or changga, flourished during the middle and late Koryo period. It is characterized by a refrain either in the middle or at the end of each stanza. The refrain establishes a mood or tone that carries the melody and spirit of the poem or links a poem composed of discrete parts with differing contents. The theme of most of these anonymous poems is love, the joys and torments of which are expressed in frank and powerful language. The poems were sung to musical accompaniments chiefly by women entertainers known as kisaeng.

The sijo is the longest-enduring and most popular form of Korean poetry. Developed in the twelfth century, it is composed of three couplets and characterized by great simplicity and expressiveness. Although some poems are attributed to writers of the late Koryo dynasty, the sijo is primarily a poetic form of the Choson dynasty (1392–1910). Sijo are three-line poems in which each line has 14 to 16 syllables and the total number of syllables seldom exceeds 45. Each line consists of groups of four syllables. Sijo may deal with Confucian ethical values, but there are also many poems about nature and love. The principal writers of sijo in the first half of the Choson dynasty were members of the Confucian upper class (yangban) and the kisaeng. In the latter part of the Choson dynasty, a longer form called sasol sijo (“narrative sijo”) evolved. The writers of this form were mainly common people; hence, the subject matter included more down-to-earth topics such as trade and corruption as well as the traditional topic of love. In addition, sasol sijo frequently employed slang, vulgar language, and onomatopoeia.

Wood Block Printing and Movable Type Before Gutenberg

The oldest existing work completely printed with woodblocks is the Mugujonggwang Taerdaranigyong (Pure Light Dharani Sutra), Buddhist scriptures (sutras) printed sometime before the Silla monarch King Kyongdok was enthroned in A.D. 751. The oldest woodblocks have been dated to A.D. 704. They were found in Bulguksa Temple in Gyeongju in October 1966.

The Triptaka Koreana (housed in a repository at Haeinsa Temple) is a set of 80,000 wooden printing blocks regarded by some scholars as the first examples of large-scale printing. Completed in 1252 after 26 years of work by an army of monks, the blocks contain the entire catalogue of Buddhist sutras at that time, and are one of the most comprehensive compilations of Buddhist scriptures in the world. The Triptaka Koreana woodblocks are admired for their craftsmanship and scientific advancement. They were made by monks who repeatedly carved the wood and dipped it in salt water to preserve it. Despite their age the blocks are in perfect condition today and can still be used for printing.

The oldest printing with movable type was done in Korea in 1160, nearly 300 years before Gutenberg printed his first Bible. The world's oldest existing book made with movable metal type, the Pulch'o Chikchi Shimch'e Yojol, was printed in 1377. It is now in a collection of the Paris National Library.

"For a brief interlude Koreans were actually the most advanced printers in the world," wrote historian Daniel Boorstin in “The Discoverers”. "Printing with wooden blocks in the Chinese manner had been well developed in Korea by the eighth century. By the early twelfth century the kings of the Koryo dynasty had set up a printing office in the national college, and they too were collecting Buddhist documents, not for education but to establish a standard text."

The development of movable type was brought about in part by a scarcity of certain kinds of wood. "Although Korea was rich in pine forest useful for making ink," wrote Boorstin, "she was poor in the hard cross-grained woods (jujube, pear, or birch) best for printing blocks, and so had to import them from China. Why not try metal? They ingeniously adapted the mold they were using to cast coins into a novel device for casting type. A character carved in boxwood was pressed onto a trough containing clay to leave the impression for the type about the size and thickness of coins."

Some historian have suggested that the Korean experiments with movable type may have influenced Gutenberg, but there is no concrete evidence to support this. "In Korea itself," wrote Boorstin, "the pioneer experiments in movable metal type proved a dead end. Korean printers supplied familiar texts to those who already knew them. Most editions counted only two hundred copies, and none exceeded five hundred. Without commercial circulation, there was no incentive to widen the range of titles or increase the numbers printed. There was no effective demand for books printed in the vernacular."

Early Chosun Literature: 1392–1598

According to Britannica.com: With the establishment of the Chosun dynasty in 1392, two major, contrasting themes emerged in Korean literature. On the one hand, Chong To-Jon and Kwon Kun enlisted literature in the task of creating a Korean nation. In reaction to the songs composed by those men, which praised the great new dynastic undertaking, others such as Kil Chae and Won Ch’on-Sok, who had retired from public life, wrote poems in which they reflected upon the Koryo dynasty and professed fidelity to it while deploring the present situation. King Sejong, who during his reign (1419–50) surmounted the disorder that accompanied the founding of the Chosun dynasty and established a system of governance, invented Hangul (han’gul), the alphabetic system used to write the Korean language—thereby making possible a vernacular literature. This was the epochal development in the history of Korean literature. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee,Britannica.com]

Yongbi och’on ka (1445–47; “Songs of Flying Dragons”), a dynastic narrative poem that praises the heroic achievements of the founders of the Chosun kingdom, and Worin ch’ongang chigok (1447; “Songs of the Moon’s Reflection on a Thousand Rivers”), a narrative poem that concerns the life of the Buddha, are the first examples of Korean literature written in Hangul, and their significance is great. The form known as akchang emerged at this time, of which Yongbi och’on ka is an example; these texts, which were intended to accompany court music and to celebrate the inauguration of the new dynasty, were composed in the vernacular and culminated in the work of Chong To-Jon and Sangjin. The Confucian emphasis on ordering one’s behaviour necessitated instructional books, and these, along with Buddhist scriptures translated into Korean, were also published during this period. They demonstrated the ease of composition in Korean and the language’s possibilities for use in literary texts. The kyonggi-style poem was inherited by early Chosun literati, who produced such works in that genre as “"Sangdae pyolgok"” (“Song of the Censorate”) by Kwon Kun and “"Hwasan pyolgok"” (“Song of Mount Hwa”) by Pyon Kye-Ryang, both written in the early 15th century. At first these works performed the functions of the akchang, but gradually they were transformed into poems that described affairs of personal interest. The kyonggi-style poem became increasingly diffuse, so much so that by the middle of the Chosun period all traces of its original features had vanished and the genre essentially ceased to exist.

A number of works written in the kasa form, such as Chong Kuk-In’s “"Sangch’un kok"” (“Hymn to Spring”) and Cho Wi’s “"Manbun ka"” (“Song of Fury”), both of the 15th century, assumed prominent places in the literature of the scholar-bureaucrats. The kasa form developed in various directions, treating such themes as retirement from public life, banishment, and travel, and reached its zenith in the works of the 16th-century poet Chong Ch’ol: “"Songsan pyolgok"” (“Song of Mount Star”), “"Kwandong pyolgok"” (“Song of Diamond Mountains”), “"Sa miin kok"” (“Hymn to Constancy”), and “"Sok miin kok"” (a continuation of “Hymn to Constancy”).

While early sijo were preoccupied with reflecting on the Koryo dynasty and other historical subjects (largely political and military), longer sijo cycles developed as well. These longer works were best exemplified by Yi Hyon-Bo’s Obu sa (“Song of the Fishermen”). Poems such as Chu Se-Bung’s “"Oryun ka"” (“Song of the Five Relations”) and Chong Ch’ol’s “"Hunmin ka"” (“Song to Instruct the People”) paved the way for instructive sijo that sang of Confucian morals, while 16th-century works such as Yi Hwang’s “"Tosan shibi kok"” (“Twelve Songs of Mount To”) and Yi I’s “"Kosan kugok ka"” (“Nine Songs of Mount Ko”) established a tradition that glorified the truths to be found in nature. Hwang Chin-I and Yi Mae-Ch’ang pioneered a new realm of sijo that described love in emotive terms.

Literature in Chinese became reestablished in the early Chosun period. So Ko-Jong compiled Tongmun son (“Anthology of Korean Literature”) and Tongin shihwa (“Remarks on Poetry by a Man from the East”), in which he summarized and commented on poetry dating from Unified Silla onward. Song Hyon’s Yongjae ch’onghwa (“Miscellany of Yongjae”) established the tradition of courtier literature, in which various factions at court (the moralist faction, the Neo-Confucian faction) inveighed against each other. So Kyong-Dok and Yi Hwang, jointly inquiring into the principles of moralist literature, enhanced literature’s intellectual depth. Kim Shi-Sup, who had an outsider’s temperament, wrote defiant heterodox poetry as well as fictional narratives such as Kumo shinhwa (“New Stories from the Golden Turtle”). At the same time, the poets Yi Tal, Paek Kwang-Hung, and Ch’oe Kyong-Ch’ang established a poetic style that heartily expressed the emotions of life. Ho Nansorhon was one of the few women of the time who achieved fame as a poet; she wrote during the second half of the 16th century. The kajon form of pseudo-biography that had prospered during the late Koryo period was continued in such works as Kim U-Ong’s Ch’ongun chon (“Tale of the King of Heaven”) and Im Che’s Susong chi (“Record of Victory over Worry”). Shim Ui’s Taegwanjae mongyu rok (“Record of a Dream Visit to Taegwanjae”) and Im Che’s Wonsaeng mongyu rok (“Record of Won’s Dream Adventure”) were experiments in a new form known as the dream record, while such works as So Ko-Jong’s T’aep’yong hanhwa kolgye chon (“Peaceful and Humorous Stories for Leisure”), Kang Hui-Maeng’s Ch’ondam hae’i (“Humorous Stories from the Country”), and Song Se-Rim’s Omyonsun (“Sleep-Forestalling Shield”) mark the appearance of bawdy folktales written in Chinese. Though also written in Chinese, Kim Sisup’s Kumo shinhwa (“New Stories”), which incorporates legends involving dream meetings of spirits and dream journeys, is considered the first example of a Korean fictional narrative.

Later Chosun Literature: 1598–1894

According to Britannica.com: The Japanese invasion of 1592 and the Manchu invasion several decades later had a profound impact on Korean literature. Yi Sunsin’s Nanjung ilgi (“Diary of the War”) and his sijo, Pak Il-Lo’s Sonsangt’an (“Boat-Passage Lament”), Yu Song-Nyong’s Chingbi rok (“Record of Learning from Mistakes”), and Kang Hang’s Kanyang nok (“Record of a Shepherd”) all recount the Japanese invasion and illustrate its trials and tribulations. Works such as Sansong ilgi (“Diary Written in a Mountain Fortress”) by an anonymous woman of the Chosun court, sijo by Kim Sang-Hon and the trio known as the Three Scholars, and Yun Kye-Song’s Talch’on mongyu rok (“Record of a Dream Visit to Talch’on”), P’isaeng mongyu rok (“Record of P’i’s Dream Journey”), and Kangdo mongyu rok (“Record of a Dream Visit to Kangdo”) keenly express the situation at the time of the Manchu invasion and its aftermath. [Source: Du-Hwan Kwon, Byong-Wuk Chong, Peter H. Lee, Britannica.com]

Literature in Chinese evolved in two directions: one represented an attempt to shake off traditional social norms and standards while the other sought to restore them. The literary activities of Kwon P’il and Ho Kyun developed in the former direction, while those of Yi Chong-Gu, Sin Hum, Yi Sik, Chang Yu, and other scholar-bureaucrats writing in Chinese evolved in the latter direction. The sirhak (“practical learning”) school, which included Pak Chi-Won, turned its attention to contemporary realities and introduced a lively writing style. Among the sirhak group, Chong Yak-Yong strove to produce verse with a folk song flavour, while Shin Wi used individualized expression in an attempt to breathe new life into poetry written in Chinese.

During this period a new movement emerged that aimed to produce poetry about the customs and contemporary realities on the Korean peninsula. This movement was reflected in the writings in Chinese of those groups—government functionaries, petty clerks, village residents—collectively known as the wihangin. The wihangin, among them Chong Nae-Gyo, Chang Hon, and Cho Su-Sam, formed fellowships of poets and composed poetry with great enthusiasm. They referred to their poems as p’ungyo (“poems of the people,” also called talk songs) and published a number of collections of these works (e.g., Sodae p’ungyo [1737; “Poems of a Peaceful People”]).

Great changes took place in how literature was viewed. Ho Kyun discarded the moralist views evident in his early work and advocated a literature of natural sentiment, and Kim Man-Jung argued that folk songs sung by woodcutters and laundry women held more worth than literature written in Chinese. During the 18th century, Hong Man-Jong, in his Sihwa ch’ongnim (“Collection of Remarks on Poetry”), ventured to critique vernacular poetry, and Hong Tae-Yong set forth a new theory of literature in his Ch’ongi ron (“Theory of Nature’s Secrets”). Pak Chi-Won sought in literature a method for criticizing the realities of the times.

Sijo continued to be composed by scholar-bureaucrats. Yun Son-Do wrote poems marked by beautifully refined language but also a blunt sensibility toward contemporary realities. Another scholar-bureaucrat, Kwon Sop, concentrated solely on sijo at the expense of other poetic forms; his works show a never-ending awareness of self and custom. Yi Chong-Bo wrote of the pleasure of removing oneself from worldly cares. Quite a few of his works take up the theme of love—a rarity in the poetry of scholar-bureaucrats. Yi Se-Bo, a member of the royal family who wrote some 450 sijo, wrote on varied subjects and themes, including matters of government.

The active participation of the wihangin in the creation and performance of sijo during the 18th century resulted in an expansion of the class of people responsible for the form’s production. Professional singers who were among the wihangin formed singing groups, developed principles for composing sijo, and produced sijo collections. These collections—examples of which include Kim Su-Jang’s Haedong kayo (“Songs of Korea”) and An Min-Yong’s Kagok wollyu (“Anthology of Korean Songs”) as well as Kim Ch’ong-T’aek’s Ch’onggu yongon (“Songs of Green Hills”)—contained poems that had previously been transmitted only orally as well as songs that had in the past been recorded in book form. These collections also included new works by contemporary authors and, overall, contributed greatly to the elevation of the sijo form. Kasa, for its part, became more complex and diverse. Unlike early Chosun kasa, which were comparatively lyrical, during the 19th century there appeared long kasa concerning travel, such as Hong Sun-Hak’s “"Yonhaeng ka"” (“Song of a Journey to Beijing”). Long kasa of manners, such as “"Nongga wollyong ka"” (“Farmers’ Works and Days”), “"Hanyang ka"” (“Song of Hanyang”), and “"Ubu ka"” (“Song of Three Foolish Men”), were popular. There were in addition quite a few examples of ch’onju kasa, or poems concerned with religious doctrine. Kyubang kasa also appeared; this genre, written by anonymous women, treats a variety of matters, such as family etiquette, the instruction of children, and the loves and sorrows of family life.

The diverse yadam form includes stories of individuals involved in historical events. After the appearance of Yu Mong-In’s Ou yadam (“Tales of Ou”) in the 17th century, numerous yadam were edited and compiled in collections such as the anonymous Ch’onggu yadam (“Tales from the Green Hills”), Yi Hui-Jun’s Kyeso yadam (“Tales of Kyeso”), and Yi Won-Myong’s Tongya hwijip (“Tales from Korea”), all published during the 19th century.

Fictional narratives in Chinese, which began with Kumo shinhwa, led to Ho Kyun’s “"Chang Saeng chon"” (“Tale of Mr. Chang”) and “"Namgung Sonsaeng chon"” (“Tale of Mr. Namgung”) in the 16th and 17th centuries. Also appearing at about this time were kajon (pseudo-biographies) that personified emotions, such as Chong T’ae-Je’s Ch’ongun yonui (“Exposition on the King of Heaven”). Such works as Ch’angson kamui rok (“That Goodness Be Manifest and Righteousness Prized”), Kuun mong (1687–88; “A Dream of Nine Clouds”), and Ongnu mong (“Dream of the Jade Chamber”) achieved popularity in both Chinese and Hangul editions. Pak Chi-Won’s “"Yangban chon"” (“Tale of a Yangban”) and “"Ho Saeng chon"” (“Tale of Mr. Ho”), each a short narrative in Chinese with a carefully arranged structure and distinct themes, give voice to social criticism. Both take as their focus members of the yangban, the highest social class during the Chosun dynasty. The works of Yi Ok, who was writing in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, show a similar level of workmanship.

Hanjung nok (1795–1805; “Record of Sorrowful Days”) is an elegant account of the tragic experiences of Lady Hong, princess of Hyegyong Palace, and carries on a tradition of palace memoirs written by Korean women. Pak Tu-Se wrote stories in the vernacular that describe contemporary manners. Vernacular fiction began with Ho Kyun’s Hong Kil-dong chon (“Tale of Hong Kil-Dong”), which was written in the early 17th century. Widely read in the 18th and 19th centuries were such fictional works as Cho Ung chon (“Tale of Cho Ung”) and Yu Ch’ung-Nyol chon, stories set in China that depict the struggles of heroes to save that country; and Sukhyang chon (“Tale of Sukhyang”), in which the female protagonist overcomes various trials. Within this latter tradition, which has its origins prior to the 18th and 19th centuries, there accumulated works with a serious thematic awareness and refined expression; Kim Man-Jung’s Kuun mong and Sa sshi namjon ki (c. 1689–92; “Madame Sa’s Journey to the South”) are well-known examples. Works of fiction such as Nam Yong-No’s Ongnyon mong (“Dreams of Jade Lotuses”) appeared, and the publication of series of linked fictions, such as Myongju powolbing (“Treasure of Bright Pearls in the Moonlight”), testify to the mass popularity of such works in the 18th and 19th centuries. Vernacular fiction was widespread and was commercialized in woodblock editions.

Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons.

Text Sources: South Korean government websites, Korea Tourism Organization, Cultural Heritage Administration, Republic of Korea, UNESCO, Wikipedia, Library of Congress, CIA World Factbook, World Bank, Lonely Planet guides, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, “Culture and Customs of Korea” by Donald N. Clark, Chunghee Sarah Soh in “Countries and Their Cultures”, “Columbia Encyclopedia”, Korea Times, Korea Herald, The Hankyoreh, JoongAng Daily, Radio Free Asia, Bloomberg, Reuters, Associated Press, BBC, AFP, The Atlantic, The Guardian, Yomiuri Shimbun and various books and other publications.

Updated in July 2021


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