SEX TOURISM IN INDONESIA: CHILDREN AND TEMPORARY MARRIAGES

SEX TOURISM IN INDONESIA

woman involved in a temporary marriage Los Angeles Times

Sex tourism in Indonesia is a significant, largely illegal, and often hidden industry — particularly prevalent in areas like Bali, Medan, and the Jakarta area — operating despite strict religious, societal, and new, stringent legal prohibitions. While prostitution was previously tolerated in "lokalisasi" (brothels), new 2026 laws criminalize sex outside marriage, punishable by up to one year in prison if reported by family members.

Human trafficking and child sex tourism have long been big business in Indonesia, according to Associated Press, thanks to rampant corruption, weak law enforcement and a lack of reporting largely due to family embarrassment or little faith in the system. [Source: Associated Press, October 30, 2013]

Major sex tourism destinations include Batam, Jakarta, Bali, Bandung, Bogor, Surabaya and Medan. There are three main areas where sex tourism takes place: 1) transit points, including areas around bus stations, train stations and harbours; 2) around industrial areas; and 3) areas in the vicinity of shopping centres. Other locations, such as hotels, bars, nightclubs, spas, massage parlours, apartments and karaoke rooms are often used to facilitate child sex tourism, as were apartment units in big cities. [Source: “Global Study on Sexual Exploitation of Children In Travel and Tourism Country-Specific Report — Indonesia, 2016" by ECPAT “End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking”, ecpat.org

Child Sex Tourism in Indonesia

Surabaya sex workers Asean Post

Research by ECPAT Indonesia found that Indonesia is not generally marketed as a sex tourism destination in its mainstream travel industry. However, the study concluded that elements within the tourism sector have been manipulated to facilitate the sexual exploitation of children. [Source: “Global Study on Sexual Exploitation of Children In Travel and Tourism Country-Specific Report — Indonesia, 2016" by ECPAT “End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking”, ecpat.org]

Indonesia has adopted a range of national and local policies aimed at child protection. At the national level, these include Law No. 23/2002 on Child Protection, Law No. 21/2007 on the Eradication of the Criminal Act of Trafficking in Persons, and Law No. 44/2008 on Pornography. Regional governments have also introduced their own regulations. For example, Bali enacted Provincial Regulation No. 6/2014, while Jakarta issued Regional Regulation No. 8/2011. In Medan, Local Regulation No. 4/2014 specifically addresses the tourism sector.

The research identified several forms of child sex tourism. One is child prostitution, which has been reported in venues such as bars, cafés, nightclubs, spas, hotels, and increasingly in karaoke rooms. Another emerging trend involves the use of apartments—particularly in urban areas like Jakarta—where residential units integrated with shopping centers are used to facilitate sexual transactions.

A second major form is online prostitution. The study noted widespread access to mobile phones and social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, and BlackBerry Messenger (BBM). Combined with government efforts to close brothels, this has shifted many transactions from physical locations to online spaces. As a result, individuals seeking such services can obtain information via the internet before traveling.

A third form identified is pedophilia. Police cases have been most frequently reported in Bali, particularly in areas such as Karangasem, Buleleng, and Denpasar. The research found that many cases in tourism involved foreign offenders, who often targeted children from low-income families outside main tourist zones and used popular destinations as transit points to gather information.

The study also highlighted other localized practices. One is so-called “halal sex tourism,” reported mainly in southern parts of Bogor, including Cisarua and Puncak, involving visitors from the Middle East. Another is “kopi pangku” in West Kalimantan, referring to situations where children aged roughly 12 to 15 sit on men’s laps in roadside coffee stalls that typically operate at night.

Geographically, child sex tourism has been identified across much of Indonesia, though certain areas are considered more vulnerable. These include Batam, Jakarta, Bali, Bandung, Bogor, Surabaya, and Medan. Other regions—such as Indramayu, Karawang, Sukabumi, Cianjur, Subang, Tasikmalaya, East Nusa Tenggara, Lampung, and Manado—have been identified as source areas for child prostitution, with many victims aged between 12 and 17. The research also noted cases where intermediaries or pimps were themselves minors. Bali was reported to have the highest number of documented pedophilia cases, with most victims being boys, alongside a smaller number of girls aged 9 to 17.

The International Labour Organization (ILO) of the United Nations (UN) estimates that 40,000 to 70,000 children become victims of sexual exploitation in Indonesia each year. Much of this abuse is perpetrated by adults, but poverty and consumerism also play a part. The poor in Indonesia come into contact with a growing middle class obsessed with the latest gadgets, as well as the ultra-wealthy who flaunt their designer clothes and luxury cars. However, the biggest issue is not money. According to Faisal Cakrabuana, project manager of Yayasan Bahtera, a non-profit organisation in the West Java capital of Bandung that helps sexually victimised children, it’s problems at home, including neglect and abuse. [Source: Associated Press, October 30, 2013]

Child Sex Tourism in Bali

According to ECPAT: There were many different forms of child sex tourism in Bali, the main one being child prostitution. Prostituted children could be found in red-light areas in Sanur, Danau Tempe, Kuta and entertainment venues along Sunset Road. Some of these child prostitutes did not need to find their customers directly because they lived in the red-light areas while others had to solicit for custom directly by going to a café, bar, nightclub or other entertainment places. Prostituted children also used 24-hour franchise networks to find customers. This usually involved loitering around franchise food shops where customers could book an appointment with them. By and large, the child prostitutes came from Java Island, especially Banyuwangi and Bandung, although some of them were locals from Bali. [Source: “Global Study on Sexual Exploitation of Children In Travel and Tourism Country-Specific Report — Indonesia, 2016" by ECPAT “End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking”, ecpat.org

Child prostitutes were found to be above 12 years old. Factors that contributed to their involvement in prostitution included broken family, consumerism (money, mobile phone and other material possessions), and free sex, among other things. Most of their customers were adults between the ages of 30 and 50. They tended to go directly to the redlight areas or made a prior appointment with child prostitutes via mobile phone, messaging service and social media.

Another form of child sex tourism, boy prostitution, was an emerging new trend in Bali. Boy prostitutes were generally aged between 15 and 16, and were involved in prostitution due to financial hardships and the lure of consumerism. Most came from poor families and were sold to customers by their peers.

The other form of child sex tourism to receive serious attention in Bali was paedophilia. Even though it involved local perpetrators, most of the paedophiles were foreigners. Foreigners who were involved in paedophilia cases between 2001 and 2013 came from the Netherlands (three cases), Italy (two cases), France (two cases), Australia (two cases), Germany (one case), Switzerland (one case) and South Africa (one case). Most paedophilia victims were boys between the ages of eight and 15, although some were girls, usually between the ages of 12 and 15.

The paedophiles preferred to target girls who were at their early puberty or menstruation for greater sexual gratification. Paedophiles preferred to target boys who they could groom in order to recruit other boys. Most came from poor families and lived around tourist destinations, or worked in tourism destinations as street hawkers and child labourers. Some areas in Bali such as Karangasem, Buleleng, Denpasar and its surrounding areas were particularly vulnerable to paedophilia.

Child Sex Tourism in Medan

Medan, the third biggest city in Indonesia after Jakarta and Surabaya, is a gateway for tourists travelling to Sumatra Island. According to ECPAT: Illegal child prostitution was a serious concern in Medan, involving students in the city and even spreading to schools. Prostitutes also operated on streets in Medan, usually between 10 pm and dawn. Child prostitutes could be easily found along GM Street and DS Street every night. [Source: “Global Study on Sexual Exploitation of Children In Travel and Tourism Country-Specific Report — Indonesia, 2016" by ECPAT “End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking”, ecpat.org

Small hotels located along NR Street and shop houses around Petisah Market were also used as red-light areas. Every night, shemales also operated behind Gramedia Book Store and along GM Street up to Pardede Hall. Other locations in Medan such as Pusat Pasar and Sambu Market were also used as red-light areas.

Some schools were found to be notorious for child prostitution. The targets were junior high school students between the ages of 15 and 17. They lived in rented accommodation near their school and were often sold by their peers. For example, Rere (pseudonym) had been a pimp since junior high school, selling her schoolmates to her customers. Furthermore, a number of potential customers attempted to target children in malls and fast food restaurants because many child prostitutes frequented and operated there.

Child Sex Tourism in Jakarta

According to ECPAT: There were different classes of night entertainment places in Jakarta that were used for child prostitution, each having an influence on the kind of visitors and child prostitutes it attracted. Most visitors of lower class entertainment places in the Semper area or those located under bridges were porters. [Source: “Global Study on Sexual Exploitation of Children In Travel and Tourism Country-Specific Report — Indonesia, 2016" by ECPAT “End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Trafficking”, ecpat.org

Middle class entertainment venues were located in Tanjung Priok, its proximity to Tanjung Priok Harbor and main streets making them easily accessible. High-class entertainment venues were located in the Mangga Dua and Sawah Besar areas, and were frequented by a wealthier clientele. Many child prostitutes worked in these locations, alongside high-class prostitutes who operated in elite entertainment centres and star hotels.

Online child sex tourism was a new emerging trend of child sex tourism in Jakarta. Customers could contact and book child prostitutes directly or through their pimps using social media and smartphones. Another trend was soliciting sex transactions in apartments by distributing spa flyers or brochures containing contact mobile phone numbers. Another form of child sex tourism in Jakarta was paedophilia. A paedophilia case was revealed in Jakarta International School where the perpetrator was a foreign teacher who had been recorded as a paedophile in his own country. This indicated that paedophiles from abroad who disguised themselves as teachers might operate in Jakarta.

Temporary Marriages — a Cover for Prostitution and Sex Tourism?

Temporary marriages, also known as contract marriages and pleasure marriages, are a form of loosely-defined, unregistered religious unions. These arrangements are reported across several Muslim-majority societies and present a challenge for governments, particularly in cases involving young girls. Indonesian law sets the minimum legal age for marriage at 19, yet many of these religious unions occur outside official registration systems, allowing underage marriages to take place without state oversight.[Source Stephanie Yang, Dera Menra Sijabat, Los Angeles Times, September 11, 2024]

Legal ambiguity complicates enforcement. “People think the government shouldn’t intervene in religious affairs,” said Yayan, an expert in Islamic family law. “The state law doesn’t define the legitimacy of the marriage, because it is stipulated by religion. That is the problem.” As a result, authorities often lack jurisdiction over unions conducted solely under religious authority, even when they conflict with national legal standards.

Within Islamic discourse, temporary marriage remains contested. It is generally more accepted among Shiite communities, where some scholars argue that the Prophet Muhammad condoned the practice, which predates Islam and was historically associated with male travelers seeking to avoid adultery. Sunni interpretations differ, holding that while the practice may have been initially permitted, it was later prohibited. Across both traditions, critics frequently characterize temporary marriage as akin to prostitution. In Indonesia, the Indonesian Ulema Council has declared such marriages unlawful.

Efforts to curb the practice face persistent obstacles. Women involved in temporary marriages often do not report their experiences, while networks of brokers, religious figures, and, in some cases, corrupt officials facilitate arrangements. “There is no legal protection whatsoever,” said Anindya Restuviani, program director of the activist group Jakarta Feminist. “We have the law, but the implementation itself is very, very challenging.”

Government officials have reiterated that such arrangements lack legal standing. Bintang Puspayoga, head of the Ministry of Women Empowerment and Child Protection, stated that agreements to temporarily cohabit as husband and wife in exchange for compensation are not recognized under Indonesian law. In 2021, local authorities in the Puncak region established a task force to raise awareness about the issue.

Some officials and researchers have begun framing temporary marriage as a form of human trafficking. Eva Nisa, a cultural anthropologist at the Australian National University who studies Muslim marriage practices, noted that authorities have occasionally conducted raids on suspected ceremonies and made arrests. However, enforcement remains difficult. Marriage brokers are more frequently targeted than foreign participants, but the secrecy surrounding these unions complicates efforts to gather evidence of coercion, exploitation, or deception.

Kota Bunga, Indonesia’s Center of Sex Tourism and Temporary Marriages

Kota Bunga, a large complex of vacation villas in the mountainous Puncak region in West Java, about 100 kilometers south of Jakarts, has become a well-known destination for tourists from the Middle East. Alongside its role as a resort area, it is widely identified by researchers and local observers as a place for temporary marriages involving Indonesian women, who receive dowries as a source of income. These arrangements, often referred to as “nikah mut’ah,” or “pleasure marriage,” are part of a broader informal economy tied to tourism. [Source Stephanie Yang, Dera Menra Sijabat, Los Angeles Times, September 11, 2024]

The practice has become deeply embedded in parts of Puncak’s local economy. In some communities, it is so prevalent that Indonesians colloquially refer to certain areas as “divorcee villages,” reflecting the short-term nature of these unions. Reports indicate that in at least one village of about 1,000 residents, eight women rely on such arrangements for their livelihoods. The concentration of temporary marriages in the town has contributed to Kota Bunga’s reputation as a primary destination for these contracts.

The growth of tourism from the Middle East to Indonesia dates back several decades. In the 1980s, a diplomatic rift between Saudi Arabia and Thailand—triggered by a high-profile diamond theft and subsequent murders—led many Saudi tourists to seek alternative destinations. Indonesia, with a population that is approximately 87 percent Muslim, emerged as a natural substitute. Over time, Saudi and other Middle Eastern visitors increasingly traveled to Puncak, where one is informally known as “Arab Village,” with Arabic signage visible on fronts and restaurant menus.

Early accounts suggest that local families or acquaintances sometimes facilitated introductions between tourists and young women. Over time, however, intermediaries have taken on a more organized role. Today, brokers typically arrange these temporary marriages, connecting visitors with potential brides and negotiating terms, including dowries. This shift reflects the commercialization and systematization of the practice.

Budi Priana, a 55-year-old driver and interpreter who has worked with Middle Eastern tourists for decades, said he first encountered temporary marriages 30 years ago. “Middle Eastern tourists I was showing around asked me for help finding temporary wives,” he recalled. Over time, he began earning additional income by linking tourists with brokers, supplementing his work as a driver, interpreter, and small owner. According to him, some brokers now arrange as many as 25 marriages per month, and he sometimes receives about 10 percent of the dowry for his commission.

Economic pressures are a key driver. Yayan Sopyan, a professor of Islamic family law at Syarif Hidayatullah Islamic State University Jakarta, said that many villages where temporary marriage is common have limited employment opportunities. “We see now this practice is expanding,” he said. “Tourism meets this economic need.” The economic downturn during the COVID-19 pandemic further reduced job prospects, increasing reliance on such arrangements.

Despite the income it provides, participants report declining earnings. Budi Priana noted that dowries have decreased over time even as demand has grown. He also described frequent contact from women seeking entry into the practice. “There are always new girls contacting me looking for temporary marriages, but I tell them I’m not an agent,” he said. “The economy is getting worse, and they are so desperate to get jobs.”

Indonesian Woman Who Had 15 Temporary Marriages with Middle Eastern Men

One Indonesian woman, who uses the alias Cahaya, said she has entered into temporary marriages with Middle Eastern tourists at least 15 times as a way to support her family. She described her first experience at age 17, when she married a Saudi tourist in his 50s in a small ceremony held in a room at a three-star hotel in Jakarta. The marriage was conducted under a contested interpretation of Islamic law, with her older sister acting as guardian and a broker serving as witness. The man paid a dowry of about $850, but after deductions by the agent and officiant, she received roughly half. [Source Stephanie Yang, Dera Menra Sijabat, Los Angeles Times, September 11, 2024]

Following the ceremony, she traveled with the man to a villa in Kota Bunga. She said her time there was largely spent waiting for the marriage to end. “When we weren’t having sex, I mopped the floors and cooked, watched TV or chatted with the Indonesian maid,” she recalled. After five days, the man returned to Saudi Arabia and ended the marriage by pronouncing “talaq,” the Arabic term for divorce.

Cahaya said she never revealed her real name to her temporary husbands and has continued using the alias over roughly a decade of similar unions. “It’s all torture,” she said. “All I had in mind, every time, was I wanted to go home.” She estimates that each marriage has involved tourists from the Middle East and typically brought her between $300 and $500, income she used for rent, food, and caring for her . “I wanted so badly to help my mother and my family financially,” she said.

Her circumstances were shaped by earlier marriages. Cahaya said she was first married at 13 to a classmate from her village, under pressure from her grandparents. After her husband divorced her four years later, she was left to raise a young daughter without financial support. job opportunities led her to consider factory or retail work, but she said the pay was too low. An older sister, who had also worked as a contract bride, introduced her to a broker through a local driver and interpreter.

Despite the income, Cahaya described the work as unstable and stigmatized. She said she hides her activities from friends and family, explaining her absences as housekeeping jobs in different locations. “They have no idea about this,” she said. “I would die if they knew.” She has also concealed the truth from a boyfriend, deleting messages from her phone to avoid discovery.

In 2018, she was among several women taken to meet tourists seeking temporary wives; one man selected her. years later, she entered a more lucrative arrangement with a Saudi man who offered a $2,000 dowry—of which she could keep $1,300—and a monthly allowance if she joined him in Dammam. She accepted and asked her mother to care for her daughter. However, she said conditions changed after her arrival. She described being forced to perform unpaid housework in a crowded household and subjected to регуляр verbal and physical abuse. “He spit on my meals, screamed at me nightly, broke things and often kicked me awake,” she said.

Cahaya said she tried several times to escape but was caught. She eventually contacted an intermediary in Indonesia, who sought assistance from the Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Jakarta and Indonesian authorities. Her situation worsened when she learned her grandmother was dying. She said she attempted suicide by cutting her wrist and was hospitalized, which ускорило efforts to secure her return. In March, a relative of her temporary husband purchased a ticket for her to go back to Indonesia.

Since returning, Cahaya said she earns about $77 per month delivering passengers and food by motorbike and supplementing her income by selling meatballs. She remains financially strained and continues to work with a broker to arrange future marriages. At the same time, she expressed fear about continuing in the practice and concern that her boyfriend might discover her past. “I’m actually still scared,” she said. “[But] if there is an opportunity I would love that, because I need it.”

Indonesian Woman Who Had 20 Temporary Marriages

A 32-year-old Indonesian woman who uses the name Nisa with her contract husbands said she entered temporary marriages with foreign tourists as a way to support her family. She estimated that she has been in about 20 such unions. Nisa said she first turned to the practice roughly six years ago, when her income from working at a karaoke bar—where she flirted and danced with customers to encourage drink purchases—was not enough to cover her living expenses. [Source Stephanie Yang, Dera Menra Sijabat, Los Angeles Times, September 11, 2024]

Her decision to enter a temporary marriage came with the approval of her father. At the time, she was also raising a daughter from a previous marriage and struggling financially. Like others in similar situations, she viewed the arrangement as a way to earn money quickly in the absence of better-paying work. “I cried deep inside of my heart,” Nisa recalled of her first contract الزواج. “Who wants to sleep with an old man? I did this purely for the money, so my parents can eat and my siblings can go to school.”

Nisa said she and other women often accepted offers without interruption, even when that meant disregarding an Islamic guideline requiring a waiting period of about 40 days after divorce before remarrying. She also acknowledged that some women misrepresented their ages, as younger brides—particularly those under 19—were often preferred by the men seeking temporary wives. According to Nisa, economic pressure outweighed such concerns, and refusing offers was rarely an option.

The financial incentives extended to other members of her family. With Nisa’s encouragement, her younger sister also became a contract bride and received a dowry of about $3,000 for her first marriage, which Nisa said was higher because she was a virgin. Nisa maintained that temporary marriages were, at the time, the only viable way for her to provide for her household.

Unlike some others, however, Nisa eventually left the practice. While applying for a visa to work in Singapore, she met an Indonesian man employed at an immigration office. The two married about four years ago. Nisa said her husband is aware of her past and has accepted it. The couple now has two young sons in addition to Nisa’s older daughter. “My husband knows, but he accepted my past,” she said. “It’s impossible for me to go back to the temporary marriage world now.”

Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons

Text Sources:“Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 5: East/Southeast Asia:” edited by Paul Hockings, 1993; “Culture and Customs of Indonesia” by Jill Forshee, Greenwood Press, 2006; National Geographic, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Smithsonian magazine, Encyclopedia.com, Library of Congress, Indonesia Tourism website (indonesia.travel), Indonesia government websites, Live Science, The Conversation, The New Yorker, Time, BBC, CNN, Reuters, Associated Press, AFP, Lonely Planet Guides, Google AI, Wikipedia, The Guardian and various websites, books and other publications.

Last updated April 2026