PROSTITUTION IN INDONESIA
Prostitution is widespread and occurs in many locations from small to large cities. Although it is tolerated in some places and often operates within a complex and often ambiguous legal framework, it is generally considered illegal under a combination of national laws and local regulations. Enforcement has historically varied by region, with some areas tolerating informal practices, but the overall legal direction has increasingly moved toward restriction and criminalization. [Source: International Encyclopedia of Sexuality, edited by Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.d., A.c.s and Raymond J. Noonan, PhD., Continuum International Publishing Group, 2004, online at the Kinsey Institute \^/]
Prostitution rings operate openly in all major Indonesian cities despite opposition from Islamic conservatives, some of whom want to replace the country's secular system with one bound by Islamic law. In the past Indonesian security forces had a stake in the sex trade. A brothel in Jakarta was shut down due to a fight over profits between the police and military. Even so police periodically conduct raids on establishments such as spas, massage parlors, and venues suspected of offering sexual services, and both providers and clients may face legal consequences. In places like Bali, authorities have increased scrutiny of foreign nationals, with possible outcomes including detention, fines, or deportation.
Under the 2026 legal framework, prosecution for extramarital sex generally requires a complaint from a close family member, such as a spouse, parent, or child. While this provision may limit enforcement in some situations, it does not legalize prostitution, and the activity remains subject to other applicable laws and local regulations.
RELATED ARTICLES:
PROSTITUTION IN INDONESIA: LAWS, SEX WORKERS, CHILD PIMPS factsanddetails.com
SEX TOURISM IN INDONESIA: CHILDREN AND TEMPORARY MARRIAGES factsanddetails.com
PORNOGRAPHY IN INDONESIA: LAWS, PROTESTS, TARGETS, PLAYBOY factsanddetails.com
SEX FESTIVALS AND PILGRIMAGE SITES IN INDONESIA factsanddetails.com
GUNUNG KEMUKUS (SEX MOUNTAIN): LEGENDS, SHACKS, RITUALS factsanddetails.com
SEX IN INDONESIA: VIEWS, VIRGINITY, RELIGION, MAGIC factsanddetails.com
SEXUAL PRACTICES IN INDONESIA: PREMARITAL, ORAL, APHRODISIACS, SURVEYS factsanddetails.com
BIRTH CONTROL IN INDONESIA: CONTRACEPTIVES, FAMILY PLANNING, SUCCESSES factsanddetails.com
SEX LAWS IN INDONESIA factsanddetails.com
LGBTQ+ (HOMOSEXUALITY) IN INDONESIA: HISTORY, PRACTICES, WAROKS, PRESSURES factsanddetails.com
TRANSGENDER PEOPLE IN INDONESIA factsanddetails.com
MATA HARI: HER LIFE, LOVERS, EXECUTION factsanddetails.com
MARRIAGE IN INDONESIA: LAWS, TYPES, TRADITIONS factsanddetails.com
POLYGAMY IN INDONESIA factsanddetails.com
CHILD MARRIAGE AND BRIDE KIDNAPPING IN INDONESIA factsanddetails.com
Prostitution Laws in Indonesia
Under the national criminal code (KUHP), earlier provisions—such as Articles 296 and 506—primarily targeted third parties, including pimps and brothel operators, rather than sex workers themselves. However, legal changes introduced under the new criminal code, scheduled to take full effect in 2026, expand the scope of regulation. These provisions criminalize extramarital sex and cohabitation outside marriage, which in practice can encompass many forms of prostitution by making sexual relations between unmarried individuals a punishable offense.
At the regional level, local governments across Indonesia have adopted bylaws that explicitly prohibit prostitution and related activities. These measures have led to the closure of a number of former red-light districts, known as lokalisasi, and increased monitoring of areas previously associated with the sex trade. Enforcement practices can differ significantly between regions, but the trend has been toward tighter control.
Authorities also use other legislation to address prostitution, particularly in online contexts. The Anti-Pornography Law and the Electronic Information and Transactions (ITE) Law are frequently applied in cases involving the advertisement or facilitation of sexual services through digital platforms and social media.
Sex Workers in Indonesia
Sex workers of different ages, from adolescents to middle-aged people, can be seen in Indonesia. The sex workers are not only local or Indonesian women. Some foreigners also work as prostitutes. Some Indonesia sex workers work in other countries.
Indonesian sex workers have traditionally been divided into different groups based on their appearance, with low-, middle- and high-class categories. The price of the sexual services offered varies depending on the class determined by their managers. In the early 2000s, prices ranged from 25,000 Indonesian rupiah (IDR) (US$3) to 3,000,000 IDR (US$400) for a short period and one act of intercourse. [Source: International Encyclopedia of Sexuality, edited by Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.d., A.c.s and Raymond J. Noonan, PhD., Continuum International Publishing Group, 2004, online at the Kinsey Institute \^/]
Aside from legal and illegal prostitution, there is also hidden prostitution. This is prostitution concealed within another business, such as a massage parlour, beauty parlour, or karaoke bar. In terms of STD transmission, this sort of prostitution is worse because the masseuses, beauticians, or karaoke escorts do not consider themselves to be prostitutes. On the other hand, the male customers do not consider themselves to have had sexual intercourse with sex workers. Consequently, many men are unknowingly infected with STDs after having intercourse with masseuses, beauticians or karaoke escorts.
In a few large cities, there are also male sex workers. Their clients include widows, middle-aged or older women, and female visitors from other countries. Some of them quietly operate as masseurs, providing special services for women. In addition to this there are transsexual sex workers who cater to men seeking sex with women and men. In certain tourist areas, such as Bali, some foreign tourists end up marrying a sex worker whose services they originally sought for pay.
Dolly — Surabaya’s Giant Red-Light District
The Dolly district in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second largest city, was one of Southeast Asia’s largest red-light districts. Believed to have been named after a Dutch madam during the colonial era, Dolly developed into a dense network of brothels, karaoke bars, and small businesses. It operated for decades with a largely local clientele. The area became synonymous with the country’s informal sex industry but was also important for the local economic. [Sources: Alison Vingiano BuzzFeed, June 18, 2014; Associated Press, June 24, 2014; AFP-JIJI, June 17, 2014; Andra Nasrie, Coconuts, Feb. 17, 2015]
Dolly consisted of a main street branching into numerous narrow alleys filled with clubs and small rooms used for sex work. At night, the district was crowded with visitors, workers, and vendors. Music, including disco and dangdut, played loudly throughout the area. Sex workers were often visible in doorways or behind glass, similar to storefront displays. The atmosphere was frequently described as intense and highly commercialized.
Estimates suggested that Dolly supported a large number of workers and businesses. Around 1,400 to 1,500 sex workers were believed to be active in the district, alongside pimps, security personnel, and service providers. The broader local economy depended on the area, including taxi drivers, food vendors, and small shop owners. Reports indicated that the district generated $25,000–$42,000 in the early 2010s.
The district’s operations continued largely undisturbed for years, despite periodic criticism from religious and social groups. Some observers noted the contrast between Dolly’s visibility and Indonesia’s official stance on morality. Daily life in Dolly included not only sex work but also ordinary community activities. Families lived in the surrounding neighborhoods, and children were present in the area.
Effort to Close Dolly
Efforts to shut down Dolly intensified in 2014 under the leadership of Surabaya’s mayor, Tri Rismaharini. She announced a plan to close the district as part of a broader campaign to reduce prostitution and reshape the city’s image. The closure was formally scheduled for June 18, 2014. Authorities aimed to shut down not only Dolly but also the nearby Jarak area. The initiative was presented as both a moral and social reform effort. [Sources: Alison Vingiano BuzzFeed, June 18, 2014; Associated Press, June 24, 2014; AFP-JIJI, June 17, 2014; Andra Nasrie, Coconuts, Feb. 17, 2015]
The city government introduced compensation measures for those directly involved in prostitution. Each of the estimated 1,400 to 1,500 sex workers was offered around 5 million rupiah (approximately $420–$425). In addition, officials proposed short-term training programs in alternative occupations such as baking or handicrafts. Workers were given a limited timeframe to accept the assistance and leave the area. Those from outside Surabaya were expected to return to their home regions.
The closure was supported by a formal ceremony at the city’s Islamic Center, attended by government officials and community leaders. Around 100 local figures signed a declaration backing the shutdown. Approximately 1,000 supporters gathered to endorse the move, reflecting significant backing from religious groups. Islamic leaders had long advocated for closing Dolly, viewing it as inconsistent with moral and religious values.
Mayor Rismaharini framed the policy as part of a broader effort to improve social conditions. She expressed concern about children growing up in the area and being influenced by the surrounding environment. She stated, “Surabaya is a port city, where prostitution has developed rapidly… I found there are children who come from this neighbourhood — they are not just involved in the profession but they aspire to become one… This is why I am very concerned.” Her administration emphasized making the city more “family friendly and more prosperous.”
Despite official planning, the transition process was rapid and controversial. Critics argued that the timeline was too short and that support measures were insufficient. Some organizations suggested that a longer-term approach, possibly over several years, would have been more effective. Concerns were raised about the ability of workers to find sustainable alternative employment. These issues contributed to tensions as the closure date approached.
Protests Over the Effort to Close Dolly
The plan to shut down Dolly sparked strong opposition from those who depended on the district for their livelihoods. Sex workers, pimps, and local residents organized protests in the weeks leading up to the closure. Hundreds of people marched through the area, while others blocked streets to disrupt access. Demonstrators argued that the government had not provided adequate economic alternatives. The protests reflected widespread anxiety about sudden loss of income. [Sources: Alison Vingiano BuzzFeed, June 18, 2014; Associated Press, June 24, 2014; AFP-JIJI, June 17, 2014; Andra Nasrie, Coconuts, Feb. 17, 2015]
Many individuals directly affected by the closure voiced concerns about their future. A 43-year-old sex worker, Suyatmi, stated: “The government just doesn’t care about us… We need a more permanent solution. They can’t just solve the prostitution problem by handing out money to prostitutes.” Others expressed similar views, emphasizing that the compensation offered was insufficient. For many, the payments could not replace steady monthly earnings from the district.
Some workers highlighted personal circumstances that made transition difficult. One sex worker explained that she earned between 10 million and 13 million rupiah ($850–$1,100) per month and supported young children. She said she would struggle to find other work due to limited education. These accounts underscored the economic dependency created by Dolly’s long-standing operations. Many feared that closure would push them into deeper poverty.
Opposition also came from those indirectly connected to the district’s economy. Local businesses, including food vendors, parking attendants, and small service providers, relied on Dolly’s nightly traffic. Critics noted that compensation was primarily directed at sex workers and pimps, leaving thousands of others without support. Estimates suggested that up to 14,000 people depended on the broader economic ecosystem. This widened the scope of discontent.
Dolly After the Closure
Following the official closure on June 18, 2014, Dolly underwent significant changes. The district, once crowded and economically active, became noticeably quieter. Many brothels were shut down, and sex workers were forced to leave the area. Observers described parts of Dolly as resembling a “ghost town” compared to its previous activity. The transformation was immediate but uneven. [Sources: Alison Vingiano BuzzFeed, June 18, 2014; Associated Press, June 24, 2014; AFP-JIJI, June 17, 2014; Andra Nasrie, Coconuts, Feb. 17, 2015]
Some positive changes were noted, particularly during the daytime. Children were seen playing in the streets, and families reported feeling safer in the neighborhood. The removal of visible sex trade activity altered the social environment. For policymakers, these changes were cited as evidence of the policy’s success. The closure aligned with the goal of creating a more family-oriented community.
However, economic challenges quickly emerged. Many residents who had depended on Dolly’s business activity lost their primary source of income. Government compensation of about Rp 5 million (around $400) was limited in scope and duration. Critics argued that the assistance did not address long-term needs. Deputy mayor Wisnu Sakti Buana questioned the policy, stating: “The shutdown was rushed… what happens to the locals there who are also citizens of Surabaya?”
Overall, Dolly’s closure produced mixed outcomes. While it reduced visible prostitution and changed the character of the neighborhood, it also disrupted a large informal economy. Efforts to redevelop the area included small-scale initiatives such as establishing a Micro, Small, and Medium Enterprises (MSME) center. One converted building employed around 100 workers producing goods like soccer shoes. However, these programs reached only a fraction of those affected. Many former workers, particularly sex workers, were not integrated into these initiatives. This limited the broader impact of redevelopment efforts.
Another consequence of the closure was the persistence of prostitution in less visible forms. Some former workers continued in the sex industry outside the regulated environment of Dolly. Without centralized oversight, concerns were raised about safety and health conditions. Previously, workers had access to regular health checks and condom-use programs. After the closure, these protections became less consistent, increasing potential risks.
Child Prostitution in Indonesia
Childhood prostitution is supported by wealthy sex tourists from the Middle East, Europe, Japan, and other countries, but it is not the extensive problem it is in neighboring nations, like Thailand, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Vietnam (Kristof 1996). The increase in child prostitution is related somewhat to the myth that children are 'clean' and free from STI infections. [Source: International Encyclopedia of Sexuality, edited by Robert T. Francoeur, Ph.d., A.c.s and Raymond J. Noonan, PhD., Continuum International Publishing Group, 2004, online at the Kinsey Institute \^/]
An estimated 70,000 Indonesians under the age of 18 are forced into prostitution every year. Most are put to work in Indonesia. Some are smuggled into Malaysia, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Australia and even the Middle East. Some of the prostitutes in Malaysia are teenage girls from Indonesia that have been lured away from their villages with promises of good jobs, are smuggled into Malaysia and sold to human traffickers who in turn sell the girls to brothels and pimps, mostly in Sarawak. The going price in Sarawak for a girl who has never had sex is $3,000.
Sex workers in Indonesia have traditionally begun work at an early age. A 1992 study by the International Labor Organization found that one in 10 prostitutes were is under 17. According to Associated Press in 2013: It was a smartphone that drove soft-spoken Daus into prostitution at age 14. The son of a factory worker and a street food vendor, the lanky boy says he was soon making $400 to $500 a month for having sex regularly with three women in their 30s and 40s. “I didn’t want to do it, but I had to have the BlackBerry,” he says. Indonesia is a social-media crazed country that ranks as one of the world’s top Facebook and Twitter users. “If we don’t have a BlackBerry, we feel we are nothing, and we are ignored by our friends.” [Source: Associated Press, October 30, 2013]
Child Pimps in Indonesia
In 2011, there were no recorded cases in Indonesia of child pimps operating independently without adult involvement. However, by 2013, the National Commission for Child Protection reported that at least 21 girls between the ages of 14 and 16 had been identified working as “mamis,” a local term for pimps, and indicated that the actual number was likely higher. [Source: Associated Press, October 30, 2013]
Observers note that technological changes have made such activities easier to organize. Mobile phones, text messaging, and social media platforms allow minors to arrange clients and transactions without operating in public places. “The sickening thing is you see 11-year-olds, 12-year-olds, getting into these practices,” said Leonarda Kling, a Jakarta-based regional representative for Terre des Hommes Netherlands, which works on trafficking issues. “You think: ‘The whole future of this child is just going to waste.’”
Law enforcement cases illustrate how these networks operate. In Surabaya, police detained a 15-year-old girl accused of arranging meetings between clients and three other teenagers at a hotel. According to police spokeswoman Maj. Suparti, the girl managed a group of about 10 prostitutes, including classmates, contacts from Facebook, and her older sister. She reportedly took up to a quarter of the $50 to $150 fee charged per encounter.
Authorities said the girl used BlackBerry Messenger (BBM) to communicate with clients and could earn as much as $400 per month. She also met prospective clients in public places such as malls or restaurants before arranging further contact. “She was running her pimp action like a professional,” Suparti said.
Researchers and advocates report that some girls enter these networks after leaving home and forming connections with peers in similar situations. In certain cases, groups of girls share rented rooms or apartments, with one taking on an organizing role as a pimp. According to observers, this individual is often someone with prior experience, while others contribute financially through cash or by helping cover rent and utilities. In some instances, no direct payments are made to the organizer, and some participants reportedly continue to receive financial support from their families. “These girls are just seeking what their family doesn’t give them: attention,” said Cakrabuana, a child protection observer. “They make big families of their own.”
Story of One Child Pimp in Indonesia
Bandung is about 160 kilometers (100 miles) southeast of Jakarta on Java. Form there, Associated Press reported in 2013: Chimoy flicks a lighter and draws a long drag until her cheeks collapse on the skinny Dunhill Mild, exhaling a column of smoke. Her no-nonsense, tough-girl attitude projects the confidence of a woman in her 30s, yet she’s only 17. Colorful angel and butterfly tattoos cover her skin, and she wears a black T-shirt emblazoned with a huge skull. [Source: Associated Press, October 30, 2013]
Chimoy — by her own account and those of other girls and social workers — is a pimp. She got into the business when she was 14. A boyfriend’s sister asked her to sell herself for sex, but she recruited a friend for the job instead. Then she established a pimping operation that grew to include a car, a house and some 30 working girls earning her up to $3,000 a month — a small fortune in a poor country. “The money was too strong to resist,” she says. “I was really proud to make money on my own.”
Chimoy (not here real name) has occasionally worked as a prostitute. She was an only child living alone with her mom. She says her father was always gone, taking care of his four other wives. Polygamy is not uncommon in Muslim-majority Indonesia. She recalls with a proud smile how she was always among the top students in her class, with a knack for business and cooking. At one point, she even opened a small shop selling traditional spicy crackers. In sixth grade, Chimoy was already running with a tough, older crowd. She was drinking and regularly using drugs by ninth grade, when she dropped out of school to manage the prostitution business full time. She got pregnant and had her first daughter at 15. The second baby came a year later.
Chimoy worked at karaoke bars, sometimes also selling herself, and racked up a list of clients. Money began to flow, and so did the drugs: She became hooked on crystal methamphetamine, known here as shabu shabu. Today, Chimoy sits on the floor of a rented ground-floor room just big enough for a twin-size mattress. This is home since she lost nearly everything to her ravenous meth addiction. Now, she says, she’s given up drugs, and also wants to quit pimping. She’s been working with Yayasan Bahtera for two years and says people there have given her the support she needs to start scaling back her operation.
The foundation offers skills and counseling. Cakrabuana, the program manager, says children who seek help are not judged or turned away, even if they are still involved in the business. “I’m trying to get rid of my past,” says Chimoy, who is raising her children with help from her mother. “I also explain to the girls, ‘Don’t do this anymore. You can find another job. This job is risky.’”
But she still conducts business regularly with about five girls who are also in the program. They’re trying to quit too, but when money runs low, they call Chimoy to arrange clients. They are not hard to find. As Chimoy sits talking about her dream of becoming a pastry chef, a gangsta rap ringtone keeps interrupting, along with several text messages. All are calls from men looking to book girls.
How the Business of Child Pimp in Indonesia Worked
According to Associated Press: Chimoy first “had three girls working for her, and later many more. Most were 14 to 17 years old, but some were in their 20s. All waited for her call to meet a growing list of local and foreign customers in the popular tourist town of Bandung. “We rented a house to live together,” she says. “It makes life easier to yell out: ‘Who wants this job?’”
Customers called or sent texts asking for a specific type of girl: tall or maybe light-skinned. Facebook was sometimes used to display photos of the girls, but Chimoy says no services were offered directly online. Once, she says, a client paid around $2,000 plus a BlackBerry and a motorbike in exchange for a girl’s virginity. Chimoy pocketed $500 from that deal.
Nuri, a chopstick-thin 16-year-old with long auburn-dyed hair, says Chimoy is family and never demands a cut of her earnings. The girls decide how much to pay her. A high school motorbike gang serves as their muscle. “She’s different from my previous adult pimps because money doesn’t matter to her, but my safety means everything to her,” adds 16-year-old Chacha, who started selling sex three years ago at a karaoke bar in western Indonesia. “I feel very comfortable working with her,” she says. “She is even a mother to us.”
Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons
Text Sources:“Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 5: East/Southeast Asia:” edited by Paul Hockings, 1993; “Culture and Customs of Indonesia” by Jill Forshee, Greenwood Press, 2006; National Geographic, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Smithsonian magazine, Encyclopedia.com, Library of Congress, Indonesia Tourism website (indonesia.travel), Indonesia government websites, Live Science, The Conversation, The New Yorker, Time, BBC, CNN, Reuters, Associated Press, AFP, Lonely Planet Guides, Google AI, Wikipedia, The Guardian and various websites, books and other publications.
Last updated April 2026