CHILD HEALTH IN INDONESIA
Under-five mortality rate (per 1,000 live births): 20.6.
Proportion of under-five children with suspected pneumonia taken to health provider: 75 percent.
Proportion of children under five years old with diarrhoea receiving oral rehydration salts: 36 percent.
Proportion of children under five sleeping under insecticide-treated nets: 3 percent.
Proportion of households owning at least one insecticide-treated net (ITN): 3 percent.
Percentage of infants who received three doses of DTP vaccine: 78 percent.
Percentage of children who received the second dose of measles containing vaccine: 82 percent.
[Source: UNICEF DATA data.unicef.org]
Child Survival:
Under-five mortality rate (U5MR): 21 deaths per 1,000 live births:
Number of under-five deaths: 92,839.
Infant mortality rate (IMR): 17 deaths per 1,000 live births.
Neonatal mortality rate (NMR): 11 deaths per 1,000 live births.
Male under-five mortality rate (U5MR): 23 deaths per 1,000 live births.
Female under-five mortality rate (U5MR): 18 deaths per 1,000 live birth.
[Source: UNICEF DATA data.unicef.org]
Maternal and Newborn Health:
Proportion of women aged 15-49 who received postnatal care within 2 days after giving birth: percent.
Antenatal care coverage for at least four visits:not available.
Proportion of births attended by skilled health personnel: not available.
Caesarean section: 17 percent.
Proportion of women 20-24 years old who gave birth before age 18: not available.
Maternal mortality ratio (number of maternal deaths per 100,000 live births): not available.
Births who had their first postnatal checkup within the first two days after birth: not available.
[Source: UNICEF DATA data.unicef.org]
Nutrition:
Early initiation of breastfeeding (within one hour of birth): 58 percent.
Exclusive breastfeeding: 51 percent. (<6 months)
Continued breastfeeding rate (20-23 months) at one year: not available.
Prevalence of moderate and severe stunting: 23 percent.
Vitamin A supplementation (full): not available.
Proportion of households consuming iodized salt: 92 percent.
[Source: UNICEF DATA data.unicef.org]
Sanitation and Drinking water:
Proportion of population using unimproved sanitation services: 88 percent.
Proportion of population practising open defecation: 7 percent.
Proportion of population using safely managed drinking water services: 30 percent
Proportion of population using basic drinking water services: 59 percent.
Proportion of population using at least basic drinking water services: 89 percent.
Proportion of population using limited drinking water services: 6 percent.
Proportion of population using unimproved drinking water services: 4 percent.
Proportion of population using surface water: 1 percent.
[Source: UNICEF DATA data.unicef.org]
Indonesian Woman Gives Birth to 8.7 Kilograms Super Baby
In September, 2009 an Indonesian woman has delivered a baby boy weighing 8.7 kilograms (19.2 pounds), the heaviest newborn ever recorded in the country. The baby, who measuresd 62 centimeters in length, was delivered by caesarean section at a public hospital in North Sumatra, according to a gynecologist involved in the procedure. “This heavy baby made the surgery especially difficult, particularly when it came to lifting him from the womb,” said Binsar Sitanggang. “His legs were so large.” [Source: AFP, September 24, 2009]
Despite needing oxygen at first due to breathing difficulties, the baby was reported to be in good health. “He has a strong appetite—he’s feeding almost constantly,” the doctor said. “This boy is extraordinary. Even his cry is unusually loud.” The baby’s size is believed to be linked to his mother Ani’s diabetes, Sitanggang explained. The 41-year-old was rushed to the hospital after experiencing complications late in her nine-month pregnancy. This is her fourth child, and the only one not delivered by a traditional midwife. Her two older sons also had high birth weights, at 5.3 kilograms and 4.4 kilograms.
According to Guinness World Records, the heaviest baby ever born weighed 10.8 kilograms and was delivered in 1879 to Anna Bates in Canada. Indonesia’s previous record, a 6.9-kilogram baby, was set in 2007 near Jakarta, according to the Indonesian Museum of Records.
Traditional Beliefs About Pregnancy and Childbirth in Indonesia
During pregnancy and childbirth, many Indonesian women adjust their diets, daily activities, and health practices in line with long-standing cultural beliefs. These traditions often include specific food taboos and behavioral restrictions intended to protect both mother and child. While not all women strictly follow every rule, many believe that maintaining good health requires not only physical care but also adherence to inherited customs and prayer for divine protection. [Source: Yenita Agus, Shigeko Horiuchi and Sarah E Porter, biomedcentral.com, October 29, 2011 ^^]
Following childbirth, women in many parts of the archipelago engage in a practice known as 'roasting'. Although different ethnic groups have different explanations for the practice, it usually involves secluding the mother and her child for a period after childbirth — from a few weeks to several months — so that she can undergo prolonged exposure to the warmth of a hearth or other heat source. It is generally believed that this speeds up the recovery process, but many also believe that it replaces lost blood, returns the body to a trim and fit shape, and helps 'dry her out'. “Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 5: East/Southeast Asia:” edited by Paul Hockings, 1993;
Food beliefs are especially important and widely shared within the community. Certain items are thought to pose risks during pregnancy or after delivery. For example, some women believe that drinking soda can trigger contractions or harm the baby, while others avoid fish after childbirth out of concern that it could affect the taste or smell of breast milk. Even when medical advice differs, these dietary practices are often followed as a way to ensure well-being according to tradition. ^^
Traditional beliefs carry strong emotional weight, and many women feel uneasy about ignoring them. Although most attend check-ups at local health posts (Posyandu) and receive guidance from trained midwives, advice from mothers and grandmothers is often seen as more authoritative. Ritual practices—such as avoiding going at night without protective objects like scissors, garlic, or knives (known as jimat)—are followed out of fear that neglecting them could invite harm. Some women recount personal experiences of misfortune after failing to observe these customs, reinforcing their importance.
Underlying many of these practices is a deep belief in spiritual vulnerability during pregnancy. Women often see themselves as susceptible to unseen forces, especially if they are physically or spiritually weak. Illness, complications, or even infant death may be interpreted as part of God’s will, reinforcing the idea that human efforts must be combined with faith and ritual observance. In this worldview, adhering to tradition is a way of doing one’s part, while the final outcome rests with divine decision.
Pregnancy is generally viewed as a natural part of life, yet also a sensitive period requiring caution and respect for both cultural and spiritual rules. Even as women engage with modern healthcare, they continue to rely on traditional practices as a form of protection and reassurance. For many, combining medical care with ancestral knowledge represents the best way to safeguard their pregnancy.
Pregnancy and Birth Superstitions in Indonesia
Avoid slaughtering an animal when your wife is pregnant as this would cause the child to be born with a scar on its neck. Avoid hunting or torturing an animal when your wife is pregnant as this would cause your child to resemble the animal. Avoid wearing earrings commencing from the third month of pregnancy as this would cause you to dream of being intimate with your husband whereas in reality it is an incubus impersonating him. [Source: Luxamore]
Avoid disliking someone intensely while pregnant as this would cause your child to adopt the features of the disliked person. Avoid mocking at a handicapped person during pregnancy as this would cause your child to be born disabled. A man should avoid eating while lying down as this would cause his wife to have difficulties during labor.
Avoid keeping a spoon with the salt container during pregnancy as this would cause difficulties during labor. Avoid standing at the front door in the evenings during pregnancy as this would cause negative spirits to attack the fetus.
It is advisable to drink coconut water during the latter stage of pregnancy so that the child will be born fair of face. It is advisable for a pregnant mother to look at beautiful pictures so that her baby would be born beautiful as well. It is advisable for a pregnant mother not to be sad during pregnancy as this would cause the child to be born to become a whiner.
It is advisable to open the doors and windows of your home so that your wife will give birth without complications. It is advisable to bury the placenta of the new-born child somewhere in the ground at the backdoor of the house so that the child will never be in want. It is unfortunate if a guest suddenly gives birth in your home as this causes bad luck. It is advisable to move house quickly.
Mitoni — the Seven Month Pregnancy Ritual
One of the enduring traditional rites in Java is mitoni, a ceremony performed during the seventh month of a woman’s first pregnancy to seek a safe delivery. The ritual reflects the broader Javanese tradition of slametan, communal ceremonies held to express gratitude, avert misfortune, and request divine blessings. In regions such as Yogyakarta and Central Java, nearly every stage of life is marked by such rituals. [Source: Javenese Ceremonies]
Underlying these practices is the Javanese principle of golek slameting dhiri, or the pursuit of safety in life and spiritual salvation. Ceremonies like mitoni are therefore intended not only to protect the expectant mother and child, but also to ensure the well-being of the family and community. The seventh month is considered especially significant, as it is believed that the fetus has acquired a soul and its safety must be ritually secured. A first child, in particular, is often regarded as a source of good fortune.
The ceremony typically begins with a kenduri, a communal feast accompanied by prayers and attended by neighbors. Symbolic elements are central to the ritual. The leader sits cross-legged on a rice pestle, representing the removal of misfortune, while offerings (uba rampe) include traditional foods, red-and-white sweets symbolizing strength, and coconuts decorated with images of the wayang figures Arjuna and Sumbadra. These figures embody the parents’ hopes for their child—strength and nobility for a boy, beauty and fidelity for a girl.
A key component of the ritual is the bathing of the expectant mother with water collected from seven different sources, symbolizing collective blessing and protection from the wider community. The coconuts are later split, and some of the water is consumed by the mother, reflecting the hope that the virtues associated with the symbolic figures will be passed on to the child.
Although the core meaning remains consistent, the form of the ritual varies by region. In areas such as Bantul, the ceremony is known as tingkeban and includes additional elements, such as ritual bathing of both husband and wife, ceremonial dress resembling nobility, and symbolic acts like cutting young coconut leaves (janur) with a kris. In Kulon Progo, similar practices are accompanied by processions intended to cleanse the household of negative influences.
Use of Paraji (Traditional Birth Attendants)
A study of rural women in Dago Village in West Java found that the services of paraji (traditional birth attendants) were widely used during pregnancy and childbirth. Many women said that, in seeking safety and comfort, they strongly believed the paraji would come whenever needed and remain by their side. They described paraji as patient, supportive, and helpful. One woman explained, “I delivered with midwives at home but paraji also was here to help me, and usually after delivery paraji did a kind of massage to restore my body like it was before.” Paraji were also responsible for caring for the umbilical cord and bathing the newborn. Because they lived within the community, women had known them since childhood and had close relationships with them, unlike midwives, who were typically only present during the delivery itself. [Source: Yenita Agus, Shigeko Horiuchi and Sarah E Porter, biomedcentral.com, October 29, 2011]
In this area, where only one village midwife was available, paraji were more accessible and better able to reach the community. Their role was seen as comparable in importance to that of an Ustadz (religious leader). Many women preferred paraji because of cost and convenience. One woman said, “I do not need much money to pay the paraji and the paraji did not push us to pay and we will pay when we have money or something to give them.” Others noted, “I needed to prepare more money to use midwives services, on the other hand using the paraji service we do not need transport because the paraji lives within our community.” Distance and transportation were also barriers: “If you delivered at the health centre it was too far away to be reached and also it’s hard because you need to use a car or motorcycle.” With many homes located far from main roads, and travel at night both difficult and costly, financial constraints often discouraged women from seeking formal healthcare.
Women also emphasized the emotional and physical support provided by paraji. They said paraji stayed with them throughout labor, offering patience and reassurance while waiting for a natural birth. In contrast, some viewed midwives as more interventionist. As one woman said, “Midwives performed an episiotomy to make the baby comes out faster; sometimes midwives did not have time, so they did another intervention.” Only a few women had experienced hospital births, and most considered home delivery to be normal. One woman noted, “I preferred delivery with a midwife; even when delivering with a midwife I did not want to deliver at the hospital or midwife’s clinic. It makes me worried. The people in this village would think something bad happened with me.” As a result, midwives were often consulted only when complications arose.
However, some women preferred professional healthcare providers. One woman said, “The paraji waited a long time until the baby come out; it made me worried whether she could handle the situation. She waited and did not think whether I still had energy or not. But, midwives would give us an intervention to restore our energy through intravenous injection if the delivery was longer than usual.” Another added, “Midwives give the appropriate care during the process and made us feel safe.” Concerns about hygiene were also raised: “The paraji was not so secure; sometime they used a strange method and did not use a glove.”
The study found that economic factors were a major determinant in choosing a healthcare provider. Women often selected paraji because they were more affordable, but also because they were perceived as kinder, more patient, and more accessible. Trust, tradition, and familiarity played key roles in this preference. Women trusted paraji because they were part of the same community, and their services had been used by family members across generations. At the same time, access to healthcare facilities remained limited, and home births were seen as more comfortable and practical, especially for women who believed their pregnancies were normal and low-risk.
Although preferences differed, both groups agreed that paraji continued to play an important role in pregnancy. Many women believed that during the seventh month of a first pregnancy, they should visit a paraji for a special massage, reflecting the persistence of traditional practices. Overall, women’s beliefs about pregnancy and childbirth remained deeply rooted in tradition and family guidance. They followed advice from relatives and maintained a strong faith that God ultimately determined outcomes, continuing to pray and accept fate as a central part of their experience.
Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons
Text Sources: “Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 5: East/Southeast Asia:” edited by Paul Hockings, 1993; “Culture and Customs of Indonesia” by Jill Forshee, Greenwood Press, 2006; National Geographic, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Smithsonian magazine, Encyclopedia.com, Library of Congress, Indonesia Tourism website (indonesia.travel), Indonesia government websites, Live Science, The Conversation, The New Yorker, Time, BBC, CNN, Reuters, Associated Press, AFP, Lonely Planet Guides, Google AI, Wikipedia, The Guardian and various websites, books and other publications.
Last updated April 2026