MUSLIM PRACTICES IN INDONESIA: PRAYERS, RITUALS, MOSQUES, ISLAMIC CULTURE, THE HAJJ

MUSLIM PRACTICES IN INDONESIA

Istiqlal Mosque in Indonesia

Islamic practices in Indonesia are largely popular and nonlegalistic in nature, a characteristic often explained by the fact that the first Islamic religious teachers came from the Sufi, or mystical, tradition in Islam. Sufism has been notably compatible with the previous religious traditions of the indigenous Indonesians, including ancestor worship, Hinduism, and Buddhism.

You hear the muezzin throughout Indonesia. In the cities you can several at the same time. Businesses and offices are often closed on Friday afternoon so the faithful can attend Friday prayers. During Ramadan many Muslims fast, but there are also many that don’t. Indonesian Muslim women enjoy more freedom than Muslim women in some other Muslim countries. They are not segregated and not required t wear a head coverings and many don’t. According to Indonesian law, for a man to take a second, third, or fourth wife, he must obtain court permission and the consent of the first wife

One Indonesian Muslim man, regarded as a “nominal Muslims,” told Vanity Fair, “I am a social Muslim...A bit like being a social drinker.” According to Vanity Fair Muslims like him don’t wear Muslim clothing, pray five times a day or fast during Ramadan but they do burn incense to placate ancestors and spirits and regu”dukun” (traditional sorcerers). The magazine said some practicing Muslims in Indonesia are more likely to tune in to television shows in which Islamic preachers answer questions about sex than they are to attend Friday prayers.

Surveys have shown that most Indonesians are observant Muslims who fast and obey the rules during Ramadan and try to go on the hajj. But even devout Muslims are turned off by Muslim extremism. Several hundred thousand Indonesians go on the Hajj every year. Many of these have been turned off by the corruption and fanaticism they saw in Saudi Arabia.

Indonesia is a major Muslim nation where Islam is not an indigenous religion but was imposed by what some have called “Arab spiritual imperialists.” To some extent Indonesia, some scholars have argued, is an example of a society that turned to Islam partly to reject its past and its domination by oppressors that were deemed alien by local revolutionaries. But Islam in its way has also been alien to the culture, and under it arose the same injustices that motivated Islamic revolutionaries to adopt the religion to begin with.

Mosques in Indonesia

Indonesian mosque in the rain forest

Mosques in Indonesia are called “mesjid”, which literally means “to prostrate oneself in prayer.” There are different types: 1) “jami mesjid”, used for Friday prayers; 2) “musalla”, used for prayer meeting Sunday through Thursday; 3) memorial mosques, used to honor Muslim saints; and 4) “mashad”, found in tombs. There are also special rooms in hotels, airports and other places for prayers. The oldest mosques are in Cirebeon and Demak in Java and Palembang in Sumatra They have multiple stories, which some scholars have argued is an effort to connect them with Mr. Meru of Buddhism and Hindusim.

Mosque architecture in Indonesia, like other forms of religious building, reflects a blend of Islamic principles and local traditions. Across the archipelago, grand modern mosques designed by Indonesian and European architects stand in major cities, alongside older structures influenced by the colonial period. The national mosque, Istiqlal Mosque, completed in 1984, is the largest in Southeast Asia and can accommodate more than 120,000 worshippers. Its design reflects modern urban architecture, distinguished by a large central dome and a towering minaret. [Source: Jill Forshee, “Culture and Customs of Indonesia”, Greenwood Press, 2006]

Regional styles further highlight the diversity of mosque design. Among the Minangkabau of Sumatra, mosques often feature intricately carved walls and distinctive “horned” roofs modeled after traditional houses, while still incorporating essential elements such as a minaret or spire. In most mosques, four pillars support a central prayer space, though smaller community mosques may consist of a single room.

A key feature of any mosque is access to clean water, as worshippers are required to perform ritual washing of the feet, hands, and face before prayer. This is typically provided by a pool, basin, or water spigot located outside the building.

Following the devastating 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, which left vast areas of northern Sumatra in ruins, many were struck by the number of mosques that remained standing. In places such as Banda Aceh, aerial images showed intact mosques amid widespread destruction. For many people, regardless of religion, this was seen as miraculous and reinforced faith among Muslims in Indonesia and beyond.

Because the Qur’an does not prescribe a fixed architectural style for mosques, their forms across Indonesia vary widely—from elaborate, eclectic structures to simple buildings. Most, however, include a dome, a minaret, and loudspeakers for the call to prayer, and they are designed to accommodate the surrounding Muslim community.

Mosque Etiquette

Ablutions Istiqlal Mosque in Indonesia

Mosques and shrines are sometimes not open to women or non-Muslims. One should ask for permission before entering. Those that do welcome women or non-Muslims expect them to be appropriately dressed: no shorts, short skirts, revealing halter tops or exposed shoulders. Mosques that allow women often require them to at least wear a head scarf. Some require them to cover their entire bodies, except the face, hands and feet, and not wear trousers. Sometimes mosques provide women who don’t have one with a head scarf. Sometimes they have robes for men wearing shorts.

The Muslim faithful are expected to remove their shoes and wash their feet in a sacred basin before they enter the mosque. If no water is available Muslims are supposed to wash themselves with sand. Foreign visitors can usually get away with just removing their shoes and are not required to wash their feet. In any case, make sure you feet or socks are clean. Dirty feet in a mosques are regarded as an insult to Islam. In large mosques you remove your shoes and place them on a shelf in a place with a number under it.

Inside a mosque don't walk in front of someone who is praying, don't touch the Koran, never sit or stand on a prayer rug and never place a Koran on the floor or put anything on top of it. Also, don't cross your legs in front of an older people and don't step over someone who is sitting down. Show respect, remain quiet and stay out of the way. Taking photographs is frowned upon.

Sacred Places to Indonesian Muslims

The tombs of regional Islamic saints—revered Sufi teachers who lived among and served local communities—are considered sacred sites for devotion in Indonesia. These shrines, often associated with respected spiritual figures, function as important centers of worship, remembrance, and community life. [Source: Budi Susanto, Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices, Thomson Gale, 2006]

In Java, many of the most significant sites are linked to the legendary Nine Saints, or Wali Songo, who helped spread Islam in the 15th and 16th centuries. Their graves—those of Maulana Malik Ibrahim, Sunan Gunung Jati, Sunan Muria, Sunan Ampel, Sunan Drajat, Sunan Kudus, Sunan Kalijaga, Sunan Bonang, and Sunan Giri—are major pilgrimage destinations. Typically located near mosques, these sites serve not only for formal prayer but also as gathering places where people come to seek blessings and spiritual connection.

These shrines often carry social and political significance as well, reflecting local histories of authority and hierarchy. As a result, they attract not only Muslims but also people of other faiths, who may participate in commemorations such as the birth or death anniversaries of the saints.

In popular Indonesian Islam, pilgrimage to such sites holds deep meaning. For example, some believe that completing seven visits to the Demak Mosque—traditionally associated with the Wali Songo—carries spiritual merit comparable to performing the hajj to Mecca. While this belief is not part of orthodox Islamic teaching, it reflects the importance of local devotional practices.

Indonesia is also home to monumental mosques of national significance, such as the Istiqlal Mosque in Jakarta. One of the largest mosques in Southeast Asia, it stands as a symbol of the country’s Islamic heritage and serves as a major center of worship for Muslims.

Mosques That Survived Palu’s Tsunami That Killed 4,340 People

A massive earthquake and tsunami struck Central Sulawesi, around Palu on September 28, 2018. The combination of a magnitude 7.5 earthquake, a devastating tsunami with waves reaching up to 7 meters (23 feet), and massive soil liquefaction killed 4,340 people. Of the city’s 24 mosques, 20 were severely damaged. The hardest hit was the Baiturrahman Mosque, where around 300 worshippers lost their lives during evening prayers as the disaster unfolded. [Source: Jennifer Nourse, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of Richmond, The Conversation, October 16, 2018]

Yet amid the destruction, two mosques stood out for having survived with little structural damage: the Alkhairaat Mosque and the Arkam Babu Rahman Mosque, widely known as the “Floating Mosque.” Before the disaster, the Floating Mosque was connected to the shore by a dramatic walkway extending into the sea. After the tsunami, that access was severed, leaving the mosque literally floating in Palu Bay. Although partially submerged, its structure remained intact—an image that quickly spread among residents and on social media, where many described it as “miraculously untouched.”

The survival of these mosques became a powerful symbol for a community struggling to make sense of widespread death and destruction. In a province where most residents are Muslim, many interpreted their endurance as a sign of divine mercy and spiritual protection. Thousands gathered at Alkhairaat Mosque to pray, while others visited the Floating Mosque, walking reverently along the water’s edge to witness what they saw as a moment of grace amid catastrophe.

Both mosques are deeply tied to Palu’s religious history. The Floating Mosque is associated with Datuk Karama, a 17th-century preacher credited with introducing Islam to the region. The Alkhairaat Mosque was established in 1930 by Sayyid Idrus Al-Jufri, a Yemeni scholar who also created a network of religious schools that later grew into the Alkhairaat University. Their tombs, located near the mosques, remain important pilgrimage sites where people seek spiritual guidance.

In the aftermath of the tsunami, many residents attributed the mosques’ survival to the protective power of these revered figures. Such beliefs reflect a long-standing tradition sometimes described as “old Islam,” which embraces saints and local spiritual practices. This perspective has occasionally clashed with reformist movements—such as Salafi and Wahhabi influences—that emphasize a stricter, more literal interpretation of Islamic teachings and reject the veneration of saints.

Muslim Rituals in Indonesia

In Indonesia, you can find devout Muslims that leave votive offerings, venerate idols and objects and recognize and honor a pantheon of Buddhist, Hindu and local gods. The annual labuhan ceremony to honor Ratu Kidul, the goddess of the Indonesian seas, begins with a turbaned priest reciting a Muslim prayer and presenting offerings of silk, curry, bananas, hair and toenail clipping from the Sultan of Yogyakarta to the goddess, which are carried in a procession and deposited in the sea by Muslims, who then take turns lighting incense at strange-shaped rock that is the focus of the cult. Muslim participate in similar rituals to honor local volcano gods.

Because many Indonesian Muslims cannot afford to undertake the hajj to Mecca, they often visit the tombs of local Islamic saints instead. These pilgrimages serve as accessible forms of devotion and spiritual connection. Visitors frequently bring offerings such as incense, rice, flowers, and fruit—practices that reflect older, pre-Islamic traditions and are characteristic of popular religion, even though they differ from orthodox Islamic teachings. [Source: Budi Susanto, Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices, Thomson Gale, 2006]

The syncretic character of Islam in Indonesia is also evident in communal rituals such as the slametan (in Javanese) or kenduri (in Indonesian). This ceremonial feast blends Islamic elements, including prayers and chants, with older beliefs about spirits and communal harmony. Participants include not only members of the community but also unseen spiritual beings, who are believed to join the gathering and support the host.

A slametan is typically held to promote selamat—a state of peace, safety, and well-being—especially during times of transition or uncertainty, such as births, moving to a new home, or troubling experiences like bad dreams. The ritual expresses both social solidarity and a mystical sense of unity among participants.

The ceremony involves specific elements: specially prepared foods, especially cone-shaped rice with accompanying dishes, the burning of incense, recitation of Islamic prayers, and a formal speech by the host. Those present act as witnesses not only to the visible gathering but also to the presence of unseen spirits believed to share in the event.

According to tradition, these spirits partake in the essence of the food—particularly its aroma—while the remaining الطعام is distributed among participants. In this way, the food itself becomes central to the ritual, symbolizing the connection between the physical and spiritual worlds, as well as reinforcing bonds within the community.

Muslim Rites of Passage in Indonesia

In Indonesia, the human life cycle is commonly understood as passing through four main stages: childhood, youth, maturity, and old age. Even before and during early childhood, important rituals mark key moments of development. During the seventh month of pregnancy, families often hold a ceremony to seek God’s blessing for a safe birth. Later, when a first child reaches about seven months of age, another ritual is performed in which the child’s feet are placed on the ground for the first time. Although this practice originated in indigenous beliefs—symbolizing an introduction to Mother Earth—it has since been reinterpreted in Islamic terms as a request for divine protection over the vulnerable child. [Source: Budi Susanto, Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices, Thomson Gale, 2006]

One of the most significant rites of passage is circumcision, which typically takes place when a boy finishes primary school. This ceremony marks the transition from childhood into youth, affirming both his identity as a young man and as a Muslim. At this stage, he enters a liminal period—no longer a child, but not yet an adult with full social responsibilities.

During this transitional phase, many young Indonesians attend a pesantren, or Islamic boarding school, where they receive religious education and moral guidance. These institutions are considered important for preparing both boys and girls for adulthood, emphasizing discipline, learning, and spiritual development. By the time students complete their years at a pesantren, they are expected not only to understand Islamic teachings but also to develop a broader sense of tolerance and spiritual awareness.

Social Activity of Muslims in Indonesia

In Indonesia, family and social networks often extend well beyond the immediate household. People rely on a broad web of relationships—including extended relatives, neighbors, religious teachers (kyai) from pesantren, coworkers, and friends—to manage everyday life. Marriage is traditionally framed through the concepts of abang (older brother) and adik (younger sister), reflecting a relationship that is somewhat hierarchical but also emphasizes closeness, mutual care, and tolerance. This dynamic is often seen as helping maintain family harmony and reducing conflicts such as divorce or polygamy, both of which are permitted under Islamic law. [Source: Budi Susanto, Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices, Thomson Gale, 2006]

Religious proselytizing in Indonesia is generally limited and not highly organized. Instead, Islamic outreach tends to focus on encouraging Muslims—especially those considered nominal or influenced by syncretic practices—to become more observant. This includes promoting halal dietary habits, modest dress, regular prayer, and engagement with Islamic literature. In urban areas, these practices are also reinforced by businesses that market products specifically to Muslim consumers.

Beginning in the early 1980s, many pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) expanded their role to better serve Indonesia’s large rural population. These institutions began to function not only as centers of religious learning but also as hubs for social and economic development. Students (santri) were trained to contribute to their communities beyond purely religious roles.

Religious leaders and educators sought to challenge the perception that modernization meant abandoning traditional values in favor of Western lifestyles. Instead, they promoted a model of development that combined Islamic principles with practical skills. As a result, many “modern” pesantren introduced training in agriculture, small business, and entrepreneurship alongside standard education and religious instruction.

Cultural Activity of Muslims in Indonesia

In Indonesia, advertisements for banks feature the faithful, singing and swaying as they walk to a mosque. On domestic flights that take place during sunset, the pilot announces the prayer time. McDonald's in Jakarta place curtains over their windows during Ramadan so fasting Muslims are not tempted and people eating inside don't offend those who are fasting.

In Indonesia—especially in Java—one of the most important traditional performing arts is wayang, the shadow puppet theater. In this art form, intricately carved leather puppets are held in front of a light source so that their shadows are projected onto a screen, where audiences watch the performance from the opposite side. [Source: Budi Susanto, Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices, Thomson Gale, 2006]

According to popular belief, the early Muslim preachers of Java, known as the Wali Songo, used wayang as a tool to spread Islam. In reality, the tradition predates Islam, originating in ancient Malayo-Polynesian ancestor worship and later incorporating Hindu influences. Many wayang stories are drawn from Indian epics such as the Ramayana and Mahabharata, as well as indigenous Indonesian myths. With the spread of Islam, new story cycles were introduced, including tales of Amir Hamzah, the uncle of the Prophet Muhammad.

Islamic mysticism, or Sufism, also shaped the philosophical meaning of wayang. Performances often explore the spiritual relationship between humans and God, presenting moral lessons and metaphysical ideas through symbolic narratives. Because of its effectiveness as a teaching medium, wayang has been adopted by other religious communities in Indonesia, including Catholics and Protestants, who have developed their own versions of the art form.

A notable modern literary voice engaging with these themes is Ahmad Tohari (born 1948). His novels explore the intersection of religion, culture, and politics, particularly during the New Order period under Suharto. Works such as Ronggeng Dukuh Paruk (1982) and Bekisar Merah (1993) examine how Islamic teachings and local traditions were shaped and sometimes manipulated during this era.

Although visual Islamic art is less widespread in Indonesia compared to regions with strong Arabic literary traditions, some believers—especially those influenced by Sufism—value calligraphy as a spiritual expression. For them, the written form of sacred words represents not just their literal meaning but also a deeper, aesthetic manifestation of faith and inner devotion.

Political Activity of Muslims in Indonesia

In Indonesia, Muslim leaders—including kyai (religious scholars) and Islamic political figures—have generally taken a cautious approach toward the state, avoiding open criticism while hoping that government policies will reflect the interests of the Muslim majority. At the same time, younger, educated Muslims have often promoted a different strategy, emphasizing grassroots, bottom-up development aimed at improving the welfare of poorer communities. [Source: Budi Susanto, Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices, Thomson Gale, 2006]

One important initiative reflecting this approach is Perhimpunan Pengembangan Pesantren dan Masyarakat (P3M), founded in 1983 as an affiliate of Nahdlatul Ulama. P3M works to support community development through pesantren-based programs, coordinating projects such as educational reform, small-scale cooperatives, rural industries, and legal aid services. Its goal is to empower local communities while maintaining a foundation in Islamic values.

As Muslim nongovernmental organizations have expanded, many have developed specialized areas of focus, including public health, gender equality, and social empowerment. Some have collaborated with diverse partners, including international scholars and Chinese-Indonesian business communities. For many Indonesians, such cooperation reflects an understanding of Islam as an inclusive and egalitarian faith.

At the same time, social issues—particularly those affecting women—have become areas of significant debate. Since the 1990s, topics such as birth control, abortion, and divorce have created tensions between Islamic groups and the state, challenging the balance between religious values and public policy.

Muslim women’s organizations have played a key role in these discussions. Groups such as Fatayat NU and Aisyiyah have worked to influence policy while promoting ideas of responsible womanhood and community-based problem solving. They have emphasized education, awareness, and the empowerment of women to take active roles in shaping their lives.

In addition, these organizations have participated in interfaith networks, collaborating with women from different religious backgrounds. Through such efforts, they have sought not only to address practical concerns but also to foster a broader sense of shared responsibility and dialogue across Indonesia’s diverse society.

Problems Involving Indonesian Pilgrims at the Haj

Several hundred thousand Indonesians go on the Hajj every year. Indonesia annually provides the greatest number of pilgrims to Mecca. Smaller pilgrimages in Indonesia may also be made to graves of saints, those believed to have brought Islam to Indonesia, Sunan Kalijaga being the most famous.

In 1974, 460 Indonesians died of exposure from camping outside during the cold Saudi winter. On July 2, 1990, 1,426 people, many of them Malaysians, Indonesians and Pakistanis, were trampled in an overcrowded pedestrian tunnel leading to the holy sites in Mecca. On May 1994, 270 people, most of them Indonesians, were killed in a stampede at the stoning site in Mina. In 1998, 180 people were killed. Most were Malaysians and Indonesians, many of them elderly.

In 2007 hungry Indonesian pilgrims staged a minor revolt riot during the haj. The Jakarta Post reported: “We should be ashamed that the Saudi government had to distribute free food to 200,000 Indonesian pilgrims, who were left without food for almost 30 hours over the weekend. This fiasco caused hundreds of the Indonesian pilgrims to lose their temper during the wukuf, a key ritual of the haj which requires all pilgrims to contemplate and exercise restraint. Religious Affairs Minister M. Maftuh Basyuni was quick to apologize for the incident and admitted to mistakenly handpicking a company inexperienced in catering for such large numbers of people. One or several people must be held accountable for the incident, but punishing a few people will not solve the main problem, which is the government's historic monopoly of haj services. For more than 50 years the government has served as both the regulator and operator of the pilgrimage. [Source: Jakarta Post, January 5, 2007]

Haj Mismanagement and Corruption by Indonesia

According to Jakarta Post: “Almost every haj season is marked by problems, ranging from poor services to allegations of graft. However, the government, including post-Soeharto administrations, has continued to ignore these yearly problems and has kept its monopoly intact. But this is really not surprising, given that the haj is a lucrative business involving nearly US$600 million every year. [Source: Jakarta Post, January 5, 2007 ]

“The government monopoly, combined with too much discretion given to the Religious Affairs Ministry and a lack of transparency, has left the haj program susceptible to corruption, inefficiency and poor services. The Supreme Audit Agency has consistently ranked the Religious Affairs Ministry as the most corrupt ministry in the country, though, strangely, very few officials from the ministry have ever stood trial for graft. However, the religious affairs minister during the Megawati Soekarnoputri administration, Said Agil Hussein Al Munawar, was sentenced to five years in prison last February for embezzling haj funds.

“It was during Said Agil's tenure that the government was forced in 2003 to cancel the trips of 30,000 people who had already registered and paid their haj fees. The problem was that the minister had increased Indonesia's quota of pilgrims without first consulting the Saudi government, which oversees the haj. Said Agil's imprisonment, past incidents and the recent catering debacle underline the ministry's incompetence in providing haj services.

“Indonesia could follow the lead of neighboring Malaysia, where haj fees have continued to fall without compromising the first-class services Malaysian pilgrims receive. Malaysia has set up a non-bank financial institution called Tabung Haji to manage haj funds and administer the pilgrimage. Not only does this institution manage haj funds, it also contributes to economic development in the country through investments. As a result, Malaysian pilgrims pay less to go on the haj but enjoy better and more convenient food and lodging than Indonesian pilgrims.

“The government has no choice but to relinquish its long-standing control over haj management, because it is from this government monopoly that all the problems spring. One other consequence of haj management reform, if it materializes, is that questions could be raised about the relevance of the Religious Affairs Ministry. Such a debate should be encouraged, because religion is a private matter that must be free from state intervention.”

Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons

Text Sources: “Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 5: East/Southeast Asia:” edited by Paul Hockings, 1993; “Culture and Customs of Indonesia” by Jill Forshee, Greenwood Press, 2006; National Geographic, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Smithsonian magazine, Encyclopedia.com, Library of Congress, Indonesia Tourism website (indonesia.travel), Indonesia government websites, Live Science, The Conversation, The New Yorker, Time, BBC, CNN, Reuters, Associated Press, AFP, Lonely Planet Guides, Google AI, Wikipedia, The Guardian and various websites, books and other publications.

Last updated April 2026