POLITICAL CAMPAIGNS IN INDONESIA
Campaigns in Indonesia are boisterous affairs that feature festive street rallies, parades, students revving up motorcycle engines, drum-beating dancers and masses of men, women and children, floats and singing contests—not serious discussion of issues. Candidates are often much more interested in drawing huge crowds rather than getting a specific message across so a premium is put on entertainment.
People who show up the rallies often dress in colors of the political party they support. In 1999, Megawati competed as head of the Indonesian Democratic Struggle Party. The symbol of the party, the water buffalo, appeared on T-shirts and giant paper mache models that were paraded through the streets. Golkar gave out gifts like roses, cookies, gasoline and phone cards. The Islamic parties gave out green T-shirts and $2 in cash, the going rate for rally appearances for all parties. Megawati’s party reportedly gave out the best gifts and largest cash payments. Golkar rallies have featured drawings for televisions, stereo systems and motorcycles.
The huge rallies of motorcycles, automobiles, and trucks cruising around cities, hallmarks of previous Indonesian campaigning, were banned beginning in 2004. Mass rallies in stadiums and other venues were still one of the most popular campaign techniques, although the open-list system for the DPR and the DPD elections did prompt more frequent door-to-door campaigning than had been the case previously. Television proved to be a significant campaign medium in the presidential election, and Yudhoyono used it particularly effectively in 2004 to overtake other, better-known candidates. Other candidates were busy lining up endorsements from political parties and political elites, but Yudhoyono tried to get coverage of his campaign rallies on the news every evening. In this way, he turned a nominating coalition that together had won only 11.4 percent of the vote in the legislative elections in April into convincing victories in both rounds of the presidential election. [Source: Library of Congress]
Campaign Rules in Indonesia
The official campaign period runs about three or four weeks before the election. Campaigning is often severely restricted—often to only Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays—in part to prevent violence.” Critics complain about the system because in recent years there has been little violence and the system favors incumbents and large parties.
Regulations for the campaign period for 2014 legislative elections: January 11 through April 5 1) Outdoor rallies, banners, large meetings, and campaign advertisements in mass media will only be allowed from March 16 to April 5 2) Between January 11 and March 16, meetings can have a maximum of 1,000 attendees for lower house campaigns and 250 attendees for district or city campaigns; election authorities must be given prior notification of the meetings 3) Campaigning will cease four days prior to the election 4) April 6–8 will be set aside as a “cooling-down period”
Campaign Rally Brokers
Political parties sometimes hire campaign rally brokers to draw crowds to the rallies. Sometimes street toughs are paid $100 per rally to get people to show up. Often they get the same people to show up for rallies for opposing parties and politicians, each time wearing different colored T-shirts. Some the women paid by the Islamic parties forget to cover their heads.
One broker, who worked before as a small-time hoodlum, told the Washington Post, “Democracy isn’t bad for business.” He said that he figured that two thirds of the people that show up for rallies do so just to get their hands on the money and gifts. Political analysts estimate that 40 percent of campaign money is spent on paying people to show up at rallies.
The broker told the Washington Post, “Political parties usually look for the most influential people and ask them to gather people together. They consider me to be one of the influential people in his area. They know I dare to fight in the streets...I snap my fingers and people come. They’re mainly young and unemployed. They’re millions of unemployed in Indonesia, so it’s very easy for me.”
The rent-a-crowds are also used to stage protests against leaders and politicians and display support for certain issues. In some cases party’s become the object of protest. Once a mob trashed a Golkar office because they had not received the T-shirts, food and cash they were promised.
The broker said that he was paid by the number of people he got to show up. Some put the cost of a rally $2 per supporter for three hours; banners and chants are extra. If a really large crowd is demanded the broke said employed “multi-level marketing” and subcontracted work out to other brokers.
Campaign Financing and Irregularities in Indonesia
Political finance continues to be problematic in Indonesia. Both parties and candidates fund raise for executive and legislative elections. Election laws include limits on donations, although these regulations are poorly enforced, and spending is not limited. Most parties require legislative candidates to donate to party coffers in exchange for a place on the list; as a general rule, the higher the financial donation, the closer a candidate is placed to the top of the list. Even in an open-list system, placement near the top is advantageous. Similarly, most parties require local executive candidates to donate in exchange for nomination, a situation that creates incentives for elected candidates to engage in corruption in order to recoup these payments and begin amassing funds for future elections. [Source: Library of Congress *]
The process has been overseen, in all the national and local elections since 1999, by an official Election Oversight Committee (Panwaslu) system. However, the law has granted this system few real powers except to be a repository for complaints; any serious matters must still be handled by the police and the judicial system. The system is also underfunded, hampering its efficiency. More effective monitoring and observation of the elections since 1999 have been conducted by political parties, domestic civil-society groups, the media, and international organizations. The parties and domestic groups in particular have mobilized and trained hundreds of thousands of volunteers to monitor the process and report election results. *
Vote buying has traditionally not been as widespread in Indonesia as it has been in the Philippines and Thailand. Cash flows in different ways. Before the 2004 election, Megawati’s party paid to renovate mosques; handed out rice, instant noodles and fish in poor neighborhoods; offered free circumcisions for poor boys; and gave books to Islamic schools and fertilizer to farmers.
Golkar has reportedly told farmers they wouldn’t have to repay loans if they voted for Golkar. They also told recipients of food aid from the World Bank that it was a Golkar gift. On top of that, the party also gave voters Korans and prayer mats and a chance to win a free circumcision for their sons. Golkar also got headmasters at schools to tell his students that they would be flunked unless their parents voted for Golkar.
Debates and Rallies Before Indonesia's 2024 Presidential Elections
Indonesia’s three presidential contenders meet in the first of five televised debates in mid- December 2023. The first debate covered the issues of governance, tolerance and corruption, giving the candidates a platform to spell out their policies and respond to recent political controversies. Activists say the debates should also focus on worsening corruption, particularly after a 2019 revision weakened Indonesia’s anti-corruption agency. [Source: Kate Lamb, Reuters, December 12, 2023]
Describing the last round of rallies before the three-day cooling off period before the presidentia election, Reuters reported: Hundreds of thousands of supporters of Indonesia's presidential contenders packed final rallies in the capital Jakarta and the Central Java city of Solo of the world's biggest single-day election. [Source: Ananda Teresia and Bernadette Christina, Reuters, February 10, 2024]
A light-blue wave took over Jakarta's main sports complex as hundreds of thousands of Prabowo's supporters gathered, many wearing T-shirts in his signature colour. High-schooler Alfiatnan, 18, said she would vote for Prabowo because this was his third attempt at the presidency. "I think there's no harm giving opportunity to someone who is trying. His optimistic spirit influenced me to choose him."
Supporters at Anies' rally in the capital filled an 82,000-capacity stadium, chanting Islamic prayers. Some stayed overnight to secure a spot to see the former Jakarta governor. "I arrived here yesterday on purpose because if I had come today, I'm afraid I couldn't have gotten inside," said Ida Zubaedah, 50. "I need to be inside because I want to see Anies." Anies fired up the crowd, urging them to "fight with conscience" any intimidation before or on voting day. "Hearing that in the next few days there will be operations, intimidation, opinions being led so that voting will be done in one round for a certain candidate, I believe Indonesian people... will show they are the ones who determine their future," he said, without naming anyone or presenting any evidence.
In Solo, Ganjar rode a cart filled with produce pulled by oxen, underscoring his man-of-the-people style, greeting thousands of supporters braving the rain. Ganjar, Central Java's former governor, called on people to vote for him to show "true resistance" against the use of state resources during campaigning, without naming any of his rivals. At another rally in Central Java, Ganjar's running mate, Mahfud MD, said Indonesian democracy was "in crisis" and "heading into darkness" because corruption was rising, law had been misused and "the constitution has been played."
Election Rallies in Indonesia’s 2014 Election
As campaigning for the 2014 presidential election was drawing to a close, AFP reported: “Presidential hopeful Joko Widodo pledged to build a "new history" for Indonesia at a huge campaign rally, a last push to win votes in a tight election race. Tens of thousands of cheering supporters waved flags emblazoned with pictures of Widodo, at Jakarta's main stadium on the final day of campaigning. Backers of his only rival, Prabowo Subianto, were holding rallies to show their support across the country, although the ex-general took time out to prepare for a TV debate in the evening. At the rally, Widodo — seen as a fresh face in a country still dominated by figures from the autocratic Suharto era — told the cheering crowd: "We are on the verge of building a new history." [Source: AFP, July 6, 2014 ^|^]
“The Jakarta governor added that his push for the presidency had been "hit by smear campaigns but we didn't fall apart because we truly believe in the Republic of Indonesia". He was referring to a flood of negative attacks on him that have eroded his popularity, including that he is not a Muslim, a damaging charge in the world's most populous Muslim-majority country. As well as the smear campaigns, Prabowo has extended his lead due to a slick, well-funded campaign, a contrast with Widodo's often disorganised effort. Before Widodo's speech, dozens of singers and bands performed for free to show their support.” After this “no more campaigning is allowed before the vote.
Before “the candidates and their running mates clashed in the last of five televised debates, which focused on food, energy and the environment. Widodo and his running mate, former vice-president Jusuf Kalla, appeared more energetic and commentators said they outclassed Prabowo and his deputy, Hatta Rajasa, with several well-judged attacks. In their closing statements, Widodo pledged to "bring change, breakthrough" to Indonesia, while Prabowo vowed to "prioritise welfare and sovereignty". "Jokowi and Kalla looked better," said Tobias Basuki, an analyst from Jakarta-based think-tank the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, adding the other pair "seemed to have lost their composure". ^|^
Indonesia’s Presidential Debates in 2014
On the presidential debated in 2014, Yohanes Sulaiman wrote in The Conversation: “In the lead-up to the election, Indonesia’s General Elections Commission (KPU) scheduled five debates. With only two candidates running for the presidency, this year’s debates are more divisive than the 2009 debates between Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), Megawati Sukarnoputri and Jusuf Kalla. We see more die-hard supporters in the audience, chanting slogans for their candidates as if they were barracking for a team in a sporting event. But the audience’s ample enthusiasm is not a reflection of the quality of debate. Like the past three debates, this one had the same problems: none of the candidates was willing to bear bad news to the people; neither actually discussed real problems. [Source: Yohanes Sulaiman, Indonesian Defense University, The Conversation, June 30, 2014]
“For instance, during one debate on the issue of human resource development and research and technology, Hatta, the chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN) attacked Jokowi-Kalla’s opposition to the national exam. Kalla, who once served as SBY’s vice-president, responded by stressing they would evaluate the national exam, not abolish it. None of them, however, discussed the real mess behind the issue, notably the high number of students passing the exam. This may sound counter-intuitive, but considering the poor quality of Indonesian teachers in remote regions, which both candidates acknowledged, it is simply mind-boggling that 99 percent of high school students in Indonesia passed the exam.
“Similarly, when the moderator asked their solution to stop the “brain drain” from Indonesia, both candidates proposed better compensation to keep skilled workers from leaving the country. They ignored the fact that many of these people were leaving out of frustration at having to deal with red tape and being unable to work in an environment where corruption, collusion and nepotism are rampant. In general, both vice-presidential candidates were saying the same things, albeit in different ways. They agreed that the government needed to give more funding to education and technological research, as well as provide incentives for private sector research. They agreed that the brain drain should be stopped. They also agreed that the government needed to attract talents back to the country and pay them attractive compensation so they would stay.
“So who won the debate? Honestly, it was so boring that it was difficult to pay attention to the arguments. While Kalla was a favourite due to his aggressive style, this time Hatta won — though barely — on the point of substance. If we were keeping scores, the fourth debate would bring the rivals to a draw. Jakarta governor Jokowi owned the first debate, as he managed to shed doubts about his leadership capability. At the same time, Kalla managed to put Prabowo, the former special forces unit commander, on the defensive with his questions on the issue of human rights.
“Jokowi also overall won the third debate on foreign policy and national security. He brought up the issue of Australia-Indonesia relations in the debate. Jokowi looked in control despite a lack of substance from both candidates in their answers. Jokowi even managed to insert a jab at his detractors, that he could be decisive if needed. Prabowo performed better in the second presidential debate. Discussing economic development and social welfare, he attacked Jokowi’s programs right from the start. Jokowi looked unprepared for the aggressive questionings in the second debate. Even though he managed to stage a comeback, the overall impression of the debate was that Prabowo won the match and Jokowi was unable to maintain his momentum.
“The fifth debate, which will again be between the two presidential candidates and their running mates, hopefully will be far more interesting than Sunday’s debate. With Jokowi and Kalla again able to run as a pair, they should be a formidable team. Prabowo and Hatta might need to press ahead aggressively if they want to catch Jokowi-Kalla flat-footed.
“Despite all the excitement about the debates, they have done little to highlight the issues at stake or show the differences between the candidates. Rather, the debates merely serve to energise the candidates’ bases, giving them soundbites to use to show how good their candidates are in public speaking.
Smear Campaigns in the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Race
A smear campaign against Widodo was launched that included allegations linking him to communism, questioning his religion and ethnicity, and distributing a defamatory tabloid in Islamic boarding schools. Prabowo characterized Widodo as an unsophisticated, small-town politician who lacked the ability to lead a large nation. In response, Widodo said Prabowo would be the only president in Indonesian history to take office with prior experience in running a government. “It’s about management,” Jokowi said. “How to plan, how to organize, how to decide actions. In my opinion, the most important thing in governance is management control.” [Source: Joe Cochrane, New York Times, July 22, 2014]
Michael Bachelard wrote in the Sydney Morning Herald: A "black campaign" of libels, including a fake obituary using Jokowi's supposed "real" Chinese name, Oey Hong Liong, is circulating online, but most damaging is the suggestion that Jokowi is merely a puppet controlled by PDI-P chairwoman Megawati. She is deeply unpopular outside her fan club, but still calls the shots in her party. "I don't mind being called a puppet," Jokowi declared in April."But I'm the puppet of the people." [Source: Michael Bachelard, Sydney Morning Herald, June 14 2014]
“The impression, though, is strong and regularly reinforced by the Sukarno family itself, which is struggling to cede power. Jokowi had to endure a long and humiliating wait before Megawati decided in March to forego another presidential run and choose him. Her even less popular daughter, Puan Maharani — who is running the PDI-P campaign — makes little pretence of liking the newcomer. "People had hoped that power could be retaken by the descendants of Sukarno," Puan said in a recent interview with Tempo magazine, adding: "Anyone who betrays [Sukarno's] convictions ... does not need to be strangled or beaten up. He just disappears, believe it or not."
Jokowi said these “black campaigns” significantly damaged his electability and criticized authorities for failing to stop them, though he remained publicly optimistic about voter enthusiasm. Police opened a libel investigation into the tabloid, whose editor had links to the president’s office, as the ruling Democratic Party moved to support Prabowo shortly before the vote .Polls showed Jokowi holding only a narrow lead—around 52 percent to 48 percent—with a large share of voters still undecided and warnings from analysts about the risk of fraud or post-election unrest. President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono ordered security forces to safeguard the election and transition process.
So Many Abbreviation in Indonesia’s Elections
There are so many parties that many politicians and parties spent a great deal of time and effort informing potential voters of their symbols and numbers that appear on the ballot. On top of that candidates often us acronyms as short hand for political issues and groups. During the 2014 campaign, the Wall Street Journal reported: “When presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto asked for a little help explaining what TPID meant during a recently televised debate he got it – and then some. “Well, I’m not familiar with every acronym,” he said after rival Joko Widodo, who had posed the question, replied with an answer. Turns out, TPID stands for Tim Pemantauan dan Pengendalian Inflasi Daerah, a regional team overseeing inflation. [Source: Wall Street Journal, June 18, 2014 =]
“But Mr. Subianto’s acronym daze spurred those watching the debate to take to the Twitter-sphere and offer their own definitions of what the letters stand for. They include: 1) Ternyata Perasaan Ini Darimu = Apparently, you make me feel this way; 2) Tanpa Pacar Indah kok Dunia = Without a boyfriend/girlfriend the world is still beautiful; 3) Tunggu Pria Impian Datang = Wait for the man of your dreams to come; 4) Tolong Persoalan Ini Dilupakan = Please forget this issue; 5) Teman Prabowo Itu Djokowi = Jokowi is a friend of Prabowo; ) Takmuhrim Pelukan Itu Dosa = Hugging non-close relatives of the opposite sex is a sin; 6) Tunggu Perintah Ibu Dulu = Wait for mommy’s command. =
“The TPID was created in 2008 to manage inflation by monitoring changes in the price of goods. Its members consist of officials from the central bank, Bank Indonesia, which is charged with anchoring inflation through monetary policies. It also includes local governments and national ministries – particularly the coordinating ministry of the economy, which was led by Hatta Rajasa before he resigned to run as Mr. Subianto’s vice presidential candidate. =
Some analysts said the acronym stumble hurt Mr. Subianto, while others speculated that Mr. Widodo’s team chose it deliberately to reveal his rival’s lack of governing experience. “We are [vying to become the head of the government], so we must know the abbreviations,” Mr. Widodo said during a doorstop by reporters after Sunday’s debate. Others said the reference was a bit too obscure to have much impact. “TPID is not popular, I wouldn’t have known it if I were not an economist,” said Juniman, an economist with Bank International Indonesia. Indeed, the debate wrapped up with mixed reviews, with most analysts calling it a draw between the candidates.
In addition to asking about the TPID, Mr. Widodo also posed a question to Mr. Subianto about the DAU and DAK (Dana Alokasi Umum and Dana Alokasi Khusus), two general budget funds given from the central government to the local level. With just weeks left before the election, and three debates to go, the beloved acronyms and abbreviations are sure to get a full airing. Here are some others currently going around: 1) BBM = Oil-based fuels (Bahan Bakar Minyak); ) BKKBN = National family planning agency (Badan Koordinasi Keluarga Berencana Nasional); ) Capres = Presidential candidate (Calon Presiden); ) Cawapres = Vice presidential candidate (Calon Wakil Presiden); ) Caleg = Legislative candidate (Calon Legislatif); ) KPU = Indonesian Elections Commisison (Komisi Pemilihan Umum); ) Luber = Direct, public, free, confidential – referring to the nature of elections (Langsung, Umum, Bebas, Rahasia); ) MP3EI = Master Plan for the Acceleration and Expansion of Indonesia’s Economic Development (Masterplan Percepatan dan Perluasan Pembangunan Ekonomi Indonesia) *this one is a mouthful; ) Ormas = Mass organization (Organisasi Masyarakat); ) Parpol = Political parties (Partai Politik); ) Pemilu= General election (Pemilihan Umum); ) Pilpres = Presidential election (Pemilihan Presiden); ) Pileg = Legislative election (Pemilihan Legislatif); ) Pilkada = Regional head election (Pemilihan Kepala Daerah); ) Puskesmas = Community clinic (Pusat Kesehatan Masyarakat); ) Put them together and you can get: The Capres and Cawapres went to the KPU to register for the Pilpres accompanied by their Parpol.
Jakarta’s Key Election Issue: a Mustache
In 2012, Ben Bland wrote in the Financial Times, “When 7 million Jakartans vote for the governor of one of emerging Asia’s most important but worst-run run cities, the key issue will be a mustache. Opponents of the facial-hair-sporting incumbent, Fauzi Bowo, have adopted the unofficial slogan “no mustache,” which they say is Indonesian shorthand for “Stop being messy, dirty and poor.” The governor of Jakarta is one of the most important directly elected positions in Indonesia’s heavily decentralized system, with wide-ranging powers over transport, health and education and an annual budget of about $3.8 billion. Political parties and analysts also see the contest as a key battleground ahead of the presidential election in 2014. [Source: Ben Bland, Financial Times, July 9, 2012 /=]
“Bowo, a German-trained planning official who represents Yudhoyono’s Democrat party, is the clear frontrunner, according to political observers, because of his roots in Jakarta, his extensive and well-financed political network and his power base as a local bureaucrat. But even supporters such as Firdaus Ibon, a 35-year-old car salesman, concede that Bowo — or Foke as he is known — needs to do much more to deal with the city’s interminable traffic jams and habitual floods. But at an election rally that blends loud Indonesian pop music, Islamic prayers and dancers in “I love the moustache” T-shirts, he insists “only Foke can resolve our problems as he understands our city”. /=\
“Leading the pack of five rivals to Bowo is Joko Widodo, the reform-minded mayor of Solo, a medium-size city about 370 miles east of Jakarta, who has built a reputation for efficient, fair and clean government – rare in a country where 17 out of 33 provincial governors have been investigated for corruption. Supporters such as Tofani Moeniz, a 52-year-old office worker, say Jokowi, as he is known, has a good record – from the construction of one of Indonesia’s first modern tram systems to his smooth handling of the relocation of street vendors. He has been selected as one of 25 finalists in a contest to find the world’s best mayors. /=\
“Jokowi is experienced, smart and has integrity,” says Moeniz, shouting over a band playing Widodo’s favored rock music at a rally attended by thousands of people wearing the red-checked shirts that are his campaign trademark. “Jakarta needs that kind of leader rather than Fauzi Bowo who has launched a lot of projects that are going nowhere.” While Bowo’s team questions whether Widodo can recreate his regional success in the capital, the Solo mayor’s supporters contrast his plucky outsider status with the flashy complacency of Bowo, who was revealed to own a Harley-Davidson motorbike, a Hummer SUV and a Van Gogh painting during the pre-election vetting process. /=\
“The Jakarta election is something of a barometer for the national elections in 2014,” says Douglas Ramage, an expert on Indonesia politics and foreign investment consultant. “It tells us that conservative parties like PDI-P can go out of their comfort zone, selecting genuinely reform-minded candidates like Jokowi.”But Faisal Basri, an economist and one of two independent Jakarta gubernatorial candidates, urges caution about the potential for sweeping change. “Jakarta can be the entry point for building a better Indonesia,” he says. “But our country is controlled by a very limited number of people and we have to fight the oligarchy and political dynasties if we want to move forward.” /=\
Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons
Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Lonely Planet Guides, Library of Congress, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Reuters, AP, AFP, , Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, and various books and other publications.
Last updated December 2025