RECREATION IN INDONESIA
Recreational Activities in Indonesia include going to festivals, playing games, visiting markets, motorbike riding, craft-making, and, in some areas, activities such as cockfighting or informal gambling. If they can be considered recreational activities watching television and going to the movies are popular. As a rule Indonesian like to do things in a group and pursuing a good time by yourself is not that common. Even watching television or devises is typically something done collectively rather than individually.
Feeling happy (senang) applies to the way Indonesian spend their free time. Strolling (jalan-jalan) is a simple way to relax, and people can be seen taking lingering walks in the cool of the late afternoon almost everywhere. Along the way, they meet others, observe neighbourhood changes, or simply chat as they walk. Snacking is a favourite Indonesian pastime. People frequent shops, kiosks, carts and warungs to buy biscuits, crisps, sweets, peanuts, fried bananas, tofu and tempeh, sweet ice dishes and other treats. They then sit down to enjoy their snacks, or go home and share them with their families.[Source: “Culture and Customs of Indonesia” by Jill Forshee, Greenwood Press, 2006]
Badminton and soccer are the most popular participatory sports in Indonesia, and many people play volleyball and tennis. Shadow-puppet theater is a traditional art, and performances are particularly common in rural areas and on special occasions. Indonesians enjoy Asian, American, and European films but in recent years they mainly watch Indonesia movies, particularly scary ones. [Source: Indonesia-fascination.blogspot.jp; Blackbirch Kid's Visual Reference of the World, Gale Group, Inc., 2001]
In the late 1990s, bowling became very fashionable in Indonesia. Bowling alleys in Jakarta were filled with people from all walks of life. Sometimes there long lines and waiting lists at the more fashionable alleys. Surfing has become popular among locals not just foreigners, particularly in Bali, where local surfers have gained international recognition. Still in many parts of Indonesia, people cannot swim and fear the water.
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Socializing— the Main Recreational Activity in Indonesia
Everyday interactions in Indonesia are characterized by frequent conversation, known as omong, which occurs wherever people meet —on porches, in markets, on buses, or along the street. Indonesians commonly engage in casual dialogue with strangers, discussing topics such as food prices, local events, or daily routines. [Source: “Culture and Customs of Indonesia” by Jill Forshee, Greenwood Press, 2006]
Traveling alone in silence is relatively uncommon if others are nearby. Social life also emphasizes companionship; going out with a kawan (companion) is considered more enak (pleasant) than being alone. Greetings are an important part of daily etiquette, and even brief exchanges can develop into longer conversations. It is not unusual for residents to call out to a passerby with “Mau ke mana?” (“Where are you going?”), a socially accepted form of friendly inquiry. Shared activities such as chewing betel nut or smoking often accompany conversation, reinforcing a relaxed, communal atmosphere.
Markets are among the most important social spaces in Indonesia and serve as central venues for both daily life and leisure. People gather not only to buy and sell goods but also to exchange news, discuss community matters, and observe social interactions. Markets present a wide range of everyday scenes: conversations about family and relationships, displays of status or fashion, and occasional disputes. Bargaining, known as tawar-menawar, is a common and often lively practice, treated almost as a social game. While most transactions are monetary, barter still occurs in some rural areas. Overall, markets function as dynamic public arenas where economic activity and social life are closely intertwined.
Karaoke in Indonesia
Karaoke is a widely popular form of social entertainment in Indonesia, found in cities and towns across the country. Dedicated karaoke venues, often located in shopping malls and urban centers, provide private-room facilities where groups can sing together in a more intimate setting. Well-known chains such as NAV Karaoke and Forbes KTV operate in many major cities, offering extensive song catalogs that include Indonesian pop, dangdut, and international hits. Many venues also provide food and beverages, making karaoke a combined dining and entertainment experience.
Jill Forshee wrote: The humblest of outer island huts might contain a karaoke set, drawing neighbors in the evenings to show their talents and imagine stardom. Songs range among pop hits from both hemispheres. All lounges and even restaurants seem to feature karaoke for Indonesian customers. In the 1999 presidential race, the ambitious candidate who opened the short-lived Warung Wiranto chain across the islands also campaigned on television as a dashing karaoke star. [Source: “Culture and Customs of Indonesia” by Jill Forshee, Greenwood Press, 2006]
Private rooms—commonly referred to as KTV—are the dominant format, allowing families, friends, or coworkers to gather for celebrations or casual outings. These spaces vary in size and style, from smaller rooms for intimate groups to larger suites designed for parties. Karaoke venues can be found in major urban areas such as Jakarta and Bali, as well as throughout Java and other regions, reflecting the activity’s broad appeal.
The industry offers a wide range of options, from budget-friendly establishments to upscale lounges with more elaborate facilities. In addition to physical venues, karaoke has also expanded into digital formats. Mobile apps and online platforms allow users to sing and share performances from home, often focusing on popular Indonesian songs. Despite these technological developments, in-person karaoke remains a central part of nightlife and social leisure in Indonesia, emphasizing group participation and shared enjoyment.
Water Slide Collapses at Amusement Park in Surabaya
In May 2022, at Kenjeran Park in Surabaya, a large waterslide structure collapsed, injuring a number of people. The slide, estimated to be about 10 meters (32 feet) high, gave way while in use, sending riders crashing to the ground along with a surge of water. A 17-second video recorded by a visitor captured the moment the structure buckled, showing sections of the slide falling apart as people screamed and bystanders rushed to assist. [Source: Rebecca Moon, NextSharkMay 14, 2022]
Initial reports indicated that nine people had fallen during theincident including a child who suffered head injuries. Later updates from authorities confirmed that at least 16 people were injured, most of them children, with several victims sustaining broken bones. No fatalities were reported. Emergency responders and nearby visitors provided immediate assistance before the injured were taken for medical treatment.
Early speculation suggested that the collapse might have been caused by structural fatigue or prolonged use. However, a park spokesperson stated that the ride had undergone routine maintenance, most recently about nine months before the incident. The spokesperson suggested that overloading may have been a contributing factor, noting that the slide was designed to hold between five and ten people at a time.
Hanging Out at a Hangar-Size Pool Hall in Jakarta
Reporting from Jakarta, Alan Sipress wrote in the Washington Post, :With the crack and clatter of scattering pool balls, Surya Lukita sank another shot. He slouched in affected modesty and chuckled, then circled the perimeter, stalking his next target. His chum and perennial mark, Eko Sunu Sofindrato, rubbed his face, sizing up his eroding chances. "Maybe you need another cigarette before you shoot, Skin!" another friend teased over the thumping hip–hop beat. Sofindrato has dark hair, with unkempt bangs, but his pals still use the nickname he earned by shaving his head in high school more than a decade ago. [Source: Alan Sipress, Washington Post, March 25, 2006]
At 4 p.m. on a recent Friday, as the highway outside this converted Indonesian air force hangar was beginning to clog with 16 lanes of gridlock, the cavernous billiard hall known as "Hanggar" was still quiet, all but half a dozen tables idle. Gradually, the old friends began to trickle in. They had all graduated in 1''5 from National High School No. 28 in far southern Jakarta. Then they had dispersed across the sprawling metropolis and beyond –– in Lukita‘s case to Japan and Germany to study electronics –– before reuniting three years ago around the pool table.
At the time, billiards was fast becoming the rage across Indonesia. It had shed its image as a pastime for thugs and petty criminals and was now a welcome diversion for those still smarting from the 1998 Asian financial crisis. Several times a week, including Fridays without fail, the former classmates converged on the dimly lit club, often driving an hour or more to shoot some nine ball, share cigarettes and memories, nurse Cokes and lattes, and find respite from the daily pressures of life in a Third World capital.
On this Friday, the first two arrived at 4:30 p.m. Like many of Indonesia‘s university graduates, Fawzan Ramon and Pompi Satria Prakosa were between jobs and had nowhere better to be on a weekday. Ramon, a wisecracker with spiky hair and wearing a white T–shirt, had recently quit his job as a foreign exchange trader, having belatedly discovered that his Islam–inspired aversion to gambling conflicted with the speculative nature of the business. Prakosa is quieter, with a warm smile, worn jeans and a prematurely lustrous pate. He had worked in customer service for a telephone company but lost interest. Now, he said, he realized his true love was automobiles and was musing about opening a carwash.
About half an hour later, Skin strolled in with his wife, Aisya Melanie. He is a computer programmer for a downtown insurance company. She is a beauty consultant and was wearing a sleeveless black T–shirt, tight jeans and stiletto heels. She likes to spend long hours at the pool table, practicing her shots, and the guys had enthusiastically adopted her into their gang.
By the time Lukita made his appearance, driving in from his suburban job as an instructor for the Labor Ministry, a veil of cigarette smoke was thickening throughout the hall. The 3' tables, illuminated islands in a dark sea, were starting to fill. "Asoi!" the others hailed him. Lukita is their unofficial dean and has been known since high school as Asoi, or Cool Guy. He and Sofindrato had been pool rivals for years, and they soon resumed their duel.
As they drew their cue sticks, the lanky Lukita seemed true to his nickname. He was smooth and confident in a light blue dress shirt, dark trousers and well–polished loafers. Skin seemed slightly dazed, retreating around the table in sandaled feet as his adversary continued to sink shots. "Sorry I beat you," Lukita said, feigning sympathy. "Sorry." "This has been a long battle," Lukita quipped, resting a hand on his buddy‘s shoulder. "I‘ve been playing him for more than 11 years." The relationship extended beyond pool. Lukita had introduced Skin to Melanie, and now she was trying to return the favor, conspiring to fix him up with a college friend she had invited along.
The ploy seemed to be working. For much of the early evening, Lukita focused his attention on the woman, staying close and coaching her on how to hold the cue stick and line up her shots. After a few hours, though, she headed home. The gang barely noticed. Every table in the house was rocking. Shot followed shot. Game followed game.
As midnight approached, hip–hop gave way to heavy metal and then house music. The guys drained their lattes and emptied their cartons of cigarettes. Yet again, Lukita and Skin rose for a rematch: first to win five games. Skin took the first. He raised a forefinger, hope flickering in his eyes. Lukita won the second, flashing a thumbs up. Then the third. Skin pulled even in the fourth. But then it was all Lukita, sweeping three in a row to nail the win. "See, I‘m good," Lukita boasted with a disarming smile. "He‘s always lucky," Skin retorted. There were still at least two more hours to play. So they racked up the balls again."We‘ll probably stay until this place closes around 2 and then make our plans for tomorrow," Skin said. "Maybe we‘ll be back here."
Pole Dancing as Exercise in Indonesia
At a studio in Kemang, South Jakarta in the mid 2010s, women were often seen continuing to practice long after class had ended—spinning, climbing, and hanging upside down from vertical poles as part of a growing fitness trend. The sessions were organized by the Indonesia Pole Dance Association, where instructors guided students through structured routines combining strength, balance, and flexibility. What had once been unfamiliar in Indonesia gradually developed into a niche but expanding form of exercise, particularly in urban centers like Jakarta. [Source: Rizka Agustina, Jakarta Post, September 17, 2014]
Pole dancing as fitness was introduced locally by Jun Ko Agus, a professional dancer who first encountered the discipline in the United States around 2000. After training in New York, Singapore, and Hong Kong, he opened Indonesia’s first pole dance classes in South Jakarta in 2006. Early participation was limited, but interest grew over time, especially among women from diverse backgrounds, including professionals, homemakers, and public figures. Among his early students was Vicky Burki, a well-known figure in dance and aerobics who later became a certified instructor and collaborator.
The practice gained wider attention through media exposure, including appearances by performers such as Yohanna Harso on the television talent show Indonesia Mencari Bakat in 2012. Additional visibility came when Jun Ko participated in Indonesia's Got Talent in 2014. These appearances helped introduce pole dancing to a broader audience and contributed to a gradual shift in public perception.
Students described pole dancing primarily as a demanding physical discipline rather than entertainment. The activity required significant upper-body strength, coordination, and endurance, with an emphasis on controlled movement and injury prevention. Instructors emphasized that proper training and certification were essential, as the techniques involved complex maneuvers that could strain muscles and joints if performed incorrectly. Clothing was typically minimal—not for display, but to allow skin contact with the pole, which improved grip and safety.
Despite its growth, pole dancing in Indonesia continued to face social stigma due to associations with nightclub entertainment. Practitioners and instructors actively challenged this perception, emphasizing its status as both sport and art. As one instructor noted, “Pole dancing is not striptease—it depends on how it is performed.” Participants reported that attitudes were gradually changing, particularly as more people recognized the technical difficulty and athleticism involved.
Motorbikes Help Tsunami Survivors in Aceh Recover
In the coastal town of Meulaboh, daily life after the 2004 tsunami gradually took on familiar rhythms, including the return of informal street motorcycle racing. Each afternoon, as the sun set over the Indian Ocean, the sound of revving engines echoed along damaged streets where ruins of homes still lined the shore. Spectators gathered along boulevards and open lots, watching riders speed along a stretch of road that had once been buried in debris by the disaster. [Source: Alan Sipress, Washington Post, August 18, 2005]
The 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami had devastated the region, killing a large portion of Meulaboh’s population and destroying much of its infrastructure. Entire neighborhoods were flattened, and major roads, including the main racing strip along Iskandar Muda Boulevard, were left covered in mud and wreckage. Over time, cleanup efforts restored parts of the المدينة, and the cleared roadway became a site where residents resumed pre-disaster activities, including the long-standing practice of street racing.
Within months, riders returned to the half-mile course, racing toward the coastline before turning sharply and speeding back. Accidents were common, with collisions and falls drawing quick reactions from nearby crowds. Injuries were usually minor, according to local observers, although mishaps involving animals or high-speed crashes occasionally caused greater concern. Despite the risks, the races continued to attract large audiences.
For many residents, the activity provided a rare source of recreation in a المدينة with limited entertainment options. Years of conflict, followed by the tsunami and the implementation of stricter social regulations under Islamic law, had reduced nightlife and public развлечения. With few alternatives—such as cinemas, clubs, or festivals—motorcycle racing became a central form of leisure, drawing families who arrived together on motorbikes to watch the events.
As reconstruction progressed, Meulaboh slowly rebuilt its homes, markets, and public facilities, while social life began to recover alongside physical infrastructure. The races typically ended at dusk, when the call to prayer sounded from nearby mosques. At times, however, gatherings were dispersed early by police enforcing traffic and safety rules, underscoring the informal and often unauthorized nature of the events.
Golf in Indonesia
Indonesia has approximately 177 golf courses, with estimates varying by source, largely concentrated on the islands of Java, Bali, and Bintan. Jakarta serves as the golfing hub with over several dozen courses, while major spots like Bali and Bintan provide scenic, resort-style options, mostly featuring 18-hole layouts. In 1994 there were 91 golf courses in Indonesia, triple the number that existed in 1985. At that time there There are currently plans to build another 20 more and number of golfers in Malaysia and Indonesia was growing at a rate of about 20 percent a year.
Many of the golf resorts in Indonesia cater to foreign golfers—particularly the Japanese, Taiwanese, Koreans and Hong Kong Chinese, who find it cheaper to fly to foreign countries and play golf their than play golf at home. Japanese investors have financed numerous golf courses in Malaysia, Indonesia, Hawaii, Thailand and Singapore. Golf attracts affluent tourists from abroad and the sport is loved by wealthy Asians who view the sport as a status symbol.
Suharto, who ruled Indonesia from 1967 to 1998, loved golf. When he was in power many of the golf courses in Indonesia were owned his family and friends. Suharto frequently played golf with prominent figures, including Ferdinand Marcos and Sylvester Stallone. He played with Stallone in Jakarta in 1994, which officials described as a friendly, casual game without formal scoring. In 1968, Suharto played with Marcos at the Rawamangun Golf Course. The billionaire Bob Hasan was one of Suharto’s most frequent golfing buddies. Peasant farmers and environmentalist who protested golf course construction were sometimes roughed up and arrested by the police.
Donald Trump’s Disastrous Golf Course Project in Bali
A planned Trump-branded redevelopment of Bali’s Nirwana Golf Resort collapsed, leaving an overgrown, abandoned golf course and hundreds of former workers without the promised return of their jobs. Beer bottles and broken plastic chairs now dot the fairways of the once-profitable-but-now-abandoned golf course that was once promoted as a Donald Trump “dream project.” [Source: Bagus Saragih, Jack Moore, AFP, December 9, 2022]
Launched in 2015 by the Trump Organization and Indonesia’s MNC Group, the resort closed in 2017 and was never rebuilt. While developers cited financial issues and later the pandemic, the project stalled long before Covid-19. Many workers, including caddies who received no compensation, lost stable and lucrative livelihoods.
In the mid 2010s, before he became U.S. president, Trump president agreed to license his name to a planned six-star resort meant to replace the acclaimed Nirwana Golf Resort. Today, however, the once-lush course lies choked with weeds, standing as another failed Trump venture. Over two decades, his casino and hotel businesses have entered bankruptcy six times, leaving billions in debt and affecting thousands of workers. “There was no certainty about our future. We were told we might be rehired, but it never happened,” Ditta Dwi, a former caddy who took a waitressing job after waiting in vain for the resort to reopen, told AFP.
See Separate Article:
BAD SIDE OF TOURISM IN BALI: OVERDEVELOPMENT, BAD BEHAVIOR, DONALD TRUMP factsanddetails.com
Anti-Golf Movement in Indonesia
Golf courses eats up valuable agricultural land and rainforests in Indonesia. In many cases, farmers have been given a pittance for compensation when there land has been taken to make golf courses. Even Suharto banned on new golf course construction in Jakarta, reportedly in response to concerns about land use and urban pressures.
Sreela Kolandai, a Malaysian who founded the Anti-Golf Movement told the New York Times, Golf has become a serious environmental threat all across Asia. "The golf courses are being cleared from rain forests and built on valuable agricultural land. The courses also use up valuable sources of water and fertilizers and pesticides flowing off the courses contaminate other water sources. Some farmers have been forced to give up their land at gun point. Defenders of the golf boom claim that displaced farmers can get better paying jobs as caddies and, security guards and greenskeepers.
Along the west coast of Bali, modern golf courses have become a visible part of the island’s tourism landscape, often built on land that was once used for rice. One prominent example is the course at Le Méridien Nirwana Golf & Spa Resort near Tanah Lot Temple, designed by golfer Greg Norman. Today, visitors play on manicured greens overlooking the ocean, while nearby remnants of rice paddies reflect the area’s agricultural past. Many local residents who once farmed the land now work in tourism-related jobs such as caddies, hotel staff, or service workers. [Source: Sara Webb, Reuters, April 30, 2008]
The expansion of golf resorts and other tourism developments has contributed to a steady decline in Bali’s rice-growing areas. Government data indicate that harvested rice land fell from nearly 182,000 hectares in 1980 to about 145,000 hectares in later decades. This shift reflects broader economic changes, as tourism has become a dominant source of income. Bali attracts a large share of Indonesia’s international visitors—about 40 percent—contributing billions of dollars annually to the national economy.
See Separate Article:
BAD SIDE OF TOURISM IN BALI: OVERDEVELOPMENT, BAD BEHAVIOR, DONALD TRUMP factsanddetails.com
Image Sources: Wikimedia Commons
Text Sources:“Encyclopedia of World Cultures Volume 5: East/Southeast Asia:” edited by Paul Hockings, 1993; “Culture and Customs of Indonesia” by Jill Forshee, Greenwood Press, 2006; National Geographic, New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Smithsonian magazine, Encyclopedia.com, Library of Congress, Indonesia Tourism website (indonesia.travel), Indonesia government websites, Live Science, The Conversation, The New Yorker, Time, BBC, CNN, Reuters, Associated Press, AFP, Lonely Planet Guides, Google AI, Wikipedia, The Guardian and various websites, books and other publications.
Last updated April 2026
